DISCUSSION 



AMERICAN SLAVERY, 



GEORGE THOMPSON, ESQ., 

AGENT OP THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN SOCIETY FOR THE ABOLITION 
OF SLAVERY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD, AND 



REV. ROBERT J. BRECKINRIDGE, 

DELEGATE FROM THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN 

CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES, TO THE CONGREGATIONAL 

UNION OF ENGLAND AND WALES : 



HOLDEN IN THE 



REV. DR. WARDLAW'S CHAPEL, GLASGOW, SCOTLAND , 



On the Evenings of the 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th of June, 183G, 



WITH AN APPENDIX, 



sg 



NEGRO UNIVERSITIES PRESS 
NEW YORK 






Originally published in 1836 
by Isaac Knapp, Boston 

Reprinted from a copy in the collections 
of the Brooklyn Pul)lic Library 

Reprinted 1969 by 

Negro Universities Press 

A Division of Greenwood Press, Inc. 

New York 

SBN 8371-2766-1 

printed in UNI IED si a TES of AMERICA 



t,U,><C...,.^trC.^V-^W.V.n7i3 



INTRODUCTION. 



The following were the preliminary steps connected with the Discussion re* 
ported in the succeeding pages : — 

Mr. Bbeckinridge's Letter, expressing his willingness to meet Mr. Thomp- 
son at Glasgow, was occasioned by the following passage in Mr. Thompson's Let- 
ter, which appeared in the London Patriot, in reply to the extracts inserted in that 
Journal, from the work published by the Kev. Drs. Cox and Hobv, entitled, " The 
Baptists in America " : — 

" In the mean time, I am ready to meet Dr. Cox in Exeter Hall, in his own 
chapel, or in any other building, to justify my charges against America and Ameri- 
can Ministers; my general policy in the Anti-Siavery cause, and any particular act 
of which Dr. Cox complains. I am ready, also, and anxious to meet any American 
Clergyman, or other gentleman, in any part of Great Britain, to discuss the general 
questioti, or the propriety of that interference, ot which so much has been said by 
persons who are otherwise engaged, and most praiseworthily so, in interfering with 
the institutions, social, political, and religious, of every other quarter of the Globe.'* 



MR. THOMPSON'S CHALLENGE ACCEPTED. 

To the Editor of the London Patriot. 
SIR, 

A friend in this city, with whom I have stopped for a day or two, on my way 
to Scotland, has put into my hands your paper of the 23d inst., which contains Mr. 
George Thompson's letter of the 13th, attacking Dr. Cox. 

As to the difficulties which exist between those two gentlemen, I, of course, 
have no right to speak. 

Mr. Thompson, however, has not contented himself with urging a particular 
controversy with Dr. Cox ; — nor even a general controversy, free tor all who desire 
to engage him, or call in question his ' charges against America, and American 
Ministers '—as 'slave-holding Ministers and Christians on the other side of the 
water. ' But,' says he, ' 1 am ready, also, and anxious to meet any American cler- 
gyman, or other gentleman, in any part of Great Britain, to discuss the general 
question, &c. : ' that is, the general question of his ' charges against America and 
American ministers, touching the whole subject of African slavery in that country.' 

Aftek mature and prayerful consideiation, and full consultation with a few 
friends, I am not able to see how 1 can avoid taking notice ol this direct, and almost 
personal challenge ; which, I have some reason to suspect, was probably intended 
lor me. 

And yet I feel myself encompassed by many difficulties. For some may con- 
.sider me defending the institution of slavery ; whereas 1 myself believe it to be 
contrary to the spirit of the gospel, and the natural rights of men. Others might 
naturally look for more full proofs, and more exact ii formation than I can give, 
when relying almost entirely upon mere memory. While by far the greater part, I 
much tear, arc as iinpatient of all investigation on the subject, as, I am sorry to say, 
they seem to me, totally unacquainted with its real condition in America. 

I have concluded, however, to accept the somewhat boastful challenge of Mr. 
Thompson. And 1 trust the following suggestions and conditions will be considered 
most reasonable, when the peculiar circumstances of the case are considered: — 

1. 1 will meet Mr. Thompson at Glasgow, any time during the three first 
weeks of June ; and spend three or four hours a day, for as many days consecutive- 
ly, as may be necessary — in discussing the ' general question,' as involved in his 
' charges against America, and American Ministers,' in reference to the whole sub- 
ject of slavery there. 

2. But as my whole object is to get before the British churches certain views 
and suggestions on this subject, which I firmly believe are indispensable, to prevent 



the total alienation of British and American christians from each other ; I shall not 
consider it necessary to commence the discussion at all, unless such arrangements 
are previously made, as will secure the publication, in a cheap and permanent lorm, 
ol all that is said and done on the occasion. 

3. 1 must insist on a patient and fair hearing, by responsible persons. There- 
lore I will agree that the audience shall consist ol a select number of gentlemen, 
say from titty to live hundred ; to be admitted by ticket only,— and a committee 
previously agreed on to distribute the tickets — only to respectable persons. 

1 take it for granted that Mr. Thompson would himself prefer Glasgow to any 
other city, lor the scene of this meeting : as it is the home of his most active sup- 
porters. And while the selection of the particular time of it cannot be important 
to him, my own previous arrangements are such, as to leave me no wider jange 
than that proposed to his choice above. 

More minute arrangements are left to the future ; and they can, no doubt, be 
easily made. 

1 must ask the favour of an early insertion of this note, in the Patriot; and 
beg to say, through you, to the Editor of the Glasgow Chronicle, that 1 shall feel 
obliged by its republication in his paper. 

R. J. BRECKINRIDGE, 
A Delegate from the General Assembly of the 
Presbyterian Church of the U. S. America, 
to the Congregational Union of England and 

Durham, May 28, 1836. 



TO THE EDITOR OF THE GLASGOW CHRONICLE. 

London, June 1, 1836. 
SIR, 

I forward you, without a moment's delay, a copy of this evening's Patriot, 
containing a letter from the Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge, of Baltimore, United 
States. The following is my reply, which you will oblige me by immediately in- 
serting, in company with the communication to which it refers. 

1 feel thankful that my overture has been accepted; and, notwithstanding the 
arrangements 1 had made to remain in London during the whole of the present 
month, and the announcement of my name in the public advertisements to lecture 
during the forthcoming week, I shall, D. V. be in (Glasgow on Tuesday next; and 
shall 1)e ready to meet Mr. Breckinridge, in the Religious Institution House, 
South Frederick Street, at noon of that day, to settle the preliminaries of the dis- 
cussion, which, I trust, will commence the following morning. 

it is my earnest hope, that every thing said and done, will be in accordance 
■with gentlemanly feeling and christian courtesy. 

Your's respectfully, 

GEORGE THOMPSON. 



NOTE. 

The Speeches and Documents in this Pamphlet having been 
submitted to the correction of the Speakers, tlie Report may be 
relied on as an accurate and full account of the important pro- 
ceedings. 



DISCUSSION. 

FIRST NIGHT— MONDAY JUNE 13. 

Agreeably to public advertisement, the discussion betwixt Mr. 
George Thompson and the Rev, R. J. Breckinridge, was open- 
ed Monday evening, June 13. By half-past six, the hour fixed on by 
the Committee, Dr. Wardlaw's Chapel contained 1,200 individuals, 
the number agreed upon by both parties. A great number could not 
gain admittance, in consequence of the tickets allotted, being boiight 
up on Saturday. On the entrance of the two antagonists, accom- 
panied by the Committee, the audience warmly cheered them. By 
appointment of the Committee — 

Rev. Dr. WARDLAW took the Chair. Having thanked the 
Committee for the honor they had conferred on him, and which, he 
trusted, would meet with the concurrence of the meeting, he said 
he had accepted the honorable post with the utmost confidence in 
the forbearance and propriety of conduct of the two gentlemen — 
or antagonists, should he call them ? who were to address the meet- 
ing ; and also, with the most perfect confidence in the good conduct 
and sense of propriety possessed by the meeting. Had he not 
possessed such confidence, he would never have thought of under- 
taking the present task. Had he imagined that the present meeting 
would give way to similar expressions of feeling as had taken place 
within these walls on some former occasions, he would at once have 
declined the task, as one for which he was totally unfit, — he was 
not fit to manage storms. The parties on the present occasion were 
different from those to whom they had listened at the time to which 
he referred. One of them, it was true, was the same, and his char- 
acter all of them knew. They knew his sentiments, his zeal, his 
eloquence, his devotedness to the great cause of which he was the 
fearless advocate. In reference to his opponent, on the present 
occasion, he would not dishonor that gentleman by naming him 
along with an individual who had stood before them formerly in op- 
position to their eloquent friend. He felt it to be his duty to in- 
troduce to them his friend — for he was allowed to call him so — the 
Rev. Mr. Breckinridge. That gentleman had come to this country, 
the accredited agent from the Presbyterian church— a large and 



influential body of Christians in America, to the congregational 
union of England and Wales. It was proper that he should state 
to the meeting that Mr. Breckinridge was no advocate of slavery — 
that he believed it to be opposed to the letter and spirit of the gos- 
pel, and as a proof how far he was in earnest in his professions in 
this matter, he had freely parted with a patrimonial estate so far as 
it consisted of slaves. (Cheers.) Having stated this, it might be 
further necessary that he should mention what gave rise to the pres- 
ent meeting. They were all aware, then, he said, that since his 
return from America, Mr. George Thompson had been lecturing in 
various parts of the kingdom. In the course of his labors he was 
accused of having brought extravagant and unfounded charges 
against the American nation, and especially against the ministers of 
religion in that country. In consequence of this, Mr. Thompson 
published a challenge in the Patriot newspaper, in which he called 
upon any American minister to come forward and defend his breth- 
ren, if he were able, from the charges which he brought against 
them. Tills challenge, through the columns of the same newspa- 
per, had been accepted by Mr. Breckinridge, and now they were 
here met to enter upon the discussion. The Chairman then read 
the regulations with regard to the conducting of the discussion which 
had been agreed upon by the Committeo. In addition to what they 
contained, he might add that the chairman was not to be considered 
judge of what was relevant or irrelevant, nor was the speaker to be 
interrupted on any account. He would especially beg their serious 
attention to the rule requiringtlie entire suppression of every symptom 
of approbation or disapprobation. He trusted that his interference 
would not be required, but if it were he would feel himself called 
upon by imperative duty to enforce this regulation with the utmost 
strictness. Mr. Breckinridge had heard from some quarter or oth- 
er very unfavorable accounts of the decorum of a Glasgow audience. 
He hoped that their conduct on the present occasion would disa- 
buse that gentleman's mind of any unfavorable opinion he might 
entertain of them on that score. In conclusion, he might repeat, 
that he placed the most perfect reliance on the good sense and gen- 
tlemanly feeling of both speakers. Let them both, then, be heard 
fairly. He solictied favor for neither — he demanded justice for 
both. 

Mr. BlxECKINRlDGE said, it was not easy to conceive of 
circumstances that were more embarrassing than those in which he 
was placed this evening. They had already taken for granted all 
that had been said and done on one side of the question ; their 
minds had been already made up to oppose those conclusinos to which 
it was his purpose to bring them. Their aftections and feelings had 
long been engaged to his opponent in this cause ; and all that he could 
say would necessarily have little effect in changing what he would 
not hesitate to call those unhappy opinions, which were long ago 



formed against him. Another cause of his embarrassment was, that 
he would be rejudged of all he inight say here. What he said 
would be approved by one party in America, but would be disap- 
proved of by another. In the United States they were differently 
situated from what the people were in this country. Here the peo- 
ple seemed now united on this subject, but in America they were 
split up into a great number of different parties, whose opinions and 
feelings were arrayed against each other in as great a measure as it 
was possible to conceive. Whatever, therefore, he might say in 
this country, would be disapproved of by many in the United 
States, while nothing was more certain than that, what was said by 
his opponent, would the more commend him to his friends on the 
other side of the Atlantic ; and nothing he could say would proba- 
bly lower him in the good opinion of his fiiends here. Hence 
arose the difficulty of the situation in which he (Mr. B.) found 
himself placed, and his unusual claim upon their patience in the 
course of the discussion. Still he should be unworthy of his coun- 
try, he should be forgetful of the power of truth, he would have 
little trust in God, if he was not ready to espouse the cause which 
he belived to be right ; and more especially if he was not ready, 
before a Scotish and a Christian audience, to defend the principles 
he adopted and avowed. He had no desire to attempt a mitigation 
of their hatred to slavery ; and if, at a future time, he should meet 
in America with any one now present, he would prove to them by 
the friendship of those who loved and respected him, and the 
opposition of those who did not, that he hated slavery as much as 
any one of those present could da It was said by one of the an- 
cients, ' 1 am a man : I consider nothing that relates to man, for- 
eign to me.' It was a true and noble sentiment. The fate of the 
most hopeless might be theirs if power could make it so ; and their 
condition might have been that of the poorest wretch on earth if 
God had not smiled upon them and their ancestors as he had done. 
He did not wish them to interfere with slavery in America. They 
)night interfere, but the question was, how were they to do so ? He 
wislied in the course of the discussion to bring before them facts to 
show, that if they did at all interfere with slavery in America, it 
must be done as between individuals, not as a national question. 
That, whatever they did, they do as Christians, not as communi- 
ties. That they must not, for a moment, look upon it as a question 
of rival power and glory, as a question between Great Britain and 
America. If they did so in the slightest degree, their chance oi 
success was gone for ever. In the prosecution of the question, 
they should not allow tliemselves to be identified in their efforts with 
any party in America, in politics, in religion, or metaphysics ; more 
especially, with a small and odious party as they had done to a de- 
plorable extent. They should not identify themselves with a party 
so small as not to be able to obtain their object, and so erroneous 
as not to deserve success. Whatever they did should be done meek • 



G 

jy, and In the spirit of the gospel ; they should not press the prin- 
ciples of the gospel with the spirit of a demon, but with all the 
sweetness and gentleness of the gospel of peace. These were the 
principles which he Intended to endeavor to Impress upon their 
minds by details which he would adduce In the course of the dis- 
cussion. It was nothing more than just to the audience that they 
should know, that they should understand It distinctly, that as far 
as regarded his opponent, he neither was nor could be any thing 
more to him or his countrymen than as an Individual who had 
identified himself with certain parties and principles In America. 
Neither he nor the Americans could have any object In underrating 
or overrating him. America could have no desire to raise him up 
or to pull him down. It Is not, It cannot be any thing to America 
what any individual Is, or may be, In the eyes of his own country- 
men. The King of England Is known to America only as the 
King of Great Britain ; If he ceased to be the King of that king- 
dom, he was to them no more than a common individual. Let It 
not be supposed that either he or America had any wish, even the 
most remote, to break down or injure the well earned or 111 earned 
reputation of Ills opponent. They looked upon him only with ref- 
erence to his principles, and had no personal motive on earth in refer- 
ence to that gentleman. Let them not, therefore, think that In any 
remarks he might make, or charges he might bring forward, he had 
any intention of implicating his opponent as being solely responsi- 
ble for these results. He called In question, not the principles of 
a particular individual only, but those also of a party In America, 
to whom he would have to answer when he returned to that country. 
Having said thus tnuch, he would now proceed to the question be- 
fore them, but would previously make a few preliminary remarks, 
which he thought necessary to enable them to come to a proper 
understanding of the subject. He did not think It necessary to 
trace the progress of the great cause to the present moment. For 
forty years they had suflered defeat after defeat — yet these defeats 
only strengthened their cause, even In this country, till they had 
arrived at a given point. He would not wish to hurt the feelings 
of a single Individual now present, but he was sure he spoke the 
feelings of all In America, when he said tiuit the great day of their 
power to do good, as a nation, was to be dated from the passing 
of the Reform Bill. From that period, they started In a new ca- 
reer of action, both at home and abroad. The sending out of agents 
was one of the great lines of operation attempted upon the Amer- 
icans. This the Americans com|)lained of as having been done in 
an imprudent and impossible way, and sure to meet with defeat. 
They have sent out agents to America who have returned defeat- 
ed. They admit they were not successful, though they say they 
retreated only, that they were not defeated. They have failed 
— they admit they have failed In their object. One of these 
agents on his return made certain statements as to the condition of 



the slaves in America ; and as to the state of the churches in the 
United States,, which iniphcated not only the great body of Chris- 
tian ministers of the country, but the government, and the people 
of America, except a small handful of individuals. If, as was ad- 
mitted, the number of pastors in America was twelve to fifteen 
thousand, and only one thousand had embraced these views, were 
they anything but a small party ? While yet the whole nation was 
denounced as wicked — and the wrath of Heaven invoked against 
the country. It was only a very small handful that came in for a 
share of the praise of his opponent ; and the sympathies here were 
invoked, on the assumption of principles which it was his object to 
prove false and unfounded. What could be the cause of such an an- 
amoly ? that those principles which are said to be loved and admired 
here, are repudiated there to the extremity of pertinacious obstinacy ? 
This cause it would be his duty to point out ; first, he would say 
what perhaps no one would believe, that the question of American 
slavery, is in its name not only unjust, but absurd. There was, pro- 
perly speaking, no such thing as American slavery. It was absurd 
to talk of American slavery, except in so far as it applied to the 
sentiments of what was the minority, although he would say a 
large minority, which tolerated slavery. It wasnot an American 
question. In America there were twenty-four separate republics ; 
of these, twelve had no slaves, and twelve of them tolerated slave- 
ry. Two new states had recently been added to the Union, and 
God speed the day when others would be added, till the whole con- 
tinent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific was included in union, car- 
rying with the union. Liberty and Independence. Of the two 
states which were lately added, one was a slave state and the other 
free. Of the twelve fiee, independent, sovereign states of Amer- 
ica to which he had alluded — one, Massachusetts, had, for a longer 
time than his opponent had lived, not tolerated slavery. There 
were no slaves in Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Ver- 
mont, New Hampshire, Maine, New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania, Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois, and in four of them there never 
had been a slave. Eight of them, of their own free will and choice, 
abolished slavery without money and without price. By the influ- 
ence of the Spirit of God, and the influence of divine truth, they 
had totally abolished slavery. Of the twelve states, at least four, 
Ohio, with a million of inhabitants, Indiana, Illinois, and Maine, 
never had a slave. Since 1785 till this hour, chere had not been 
one slave in any of these stales. These twelve either never had 
slaves or had abolished slavery without any remuneration. These 
states contain seven million out of the eleven million of the white pop- 
ulation of the Union, and nearly two-thirds of the territorial extent of 
the republic as now peopled. And when we remember that they have 
stood as they now do for the last twenty years, as it was now more than 
twenty years since slavery was abolished, how could they be charg- 
ed with the responsibility of the existence of slavery in other states, 



8 

or be charged with fostering slavery which they were the first peo- 
ple upon earth to abolish, and the first to unite with other nations 
in putting down the slave trade as piracy. This he was aware would 
be denied ; but though Wilberforce had labored in the cause for 
twenty years, the American constitution had fixed a limited time 
for the abolition of the slave trade, and the moment the twenty 
years had elapsed, the Congress did abolish it ; and this was in the 
same month, and some days before the Abolition Bill had passed 
through Parliament. Thus, America was the first nation on earth 
which had abolished the slave trade, and made it piracy. If we 
judge by the number of republics which tolerate no slavery — if we 
judge by the number of American citizens who abhor slavery, it will 
be found not to be an American question, but one applicable only 
to a small portion of the nation. If he wished to prove that 
the British were idolaters, he could point to millions of idolaters 
in India, under the British Government, for every one in Amer- 
ica who approved of slavery. If he wished to prove the 
Birtish to be Catholics, and worshippers of the Virgin Mary, he 
could point to the west of Ireland, where were one thousand 
worshippers of the Virgin Mary for every one in America who did 
not wish slavery abolished. If he were to return to America, and 
get up public meetings, and address them about British idolatry, 
because the Indians were Idolaters, or on British Catholicism, be- 
cause many of the Irish worshipped the Virgin Mary, would not 
the world at once see the absurdity and maliciousness of the charge ; 
and if he heaped upon Britain every libellous epithet he could in- 
vent — if he got the wise, the good, and the fair, to applaud him, 
would not the world see at once the grossness of the absurdity. And 
where, then, lay the difference ? The United States Government 
have no power to abolish slavery in South Carolina — Britain can 
abolish idolatry throughout its dominions. It was absurd to say it 
was an American question. America, as a nation, was not respon- 
sible, either in the sight of God or man, for the existence of slave- 
ry within certain portions of the Union. As a nation, it had done 
every thi.ig within its power. The half hour having now expired, 
Mr. B. sat down ; and 

Mr. THOMPSON rose. He said he did not stand on the 
platform this evcMing to explain to them his views in reference to 
slavery. He would occupy no portion of their time by an expo- 
sition of any of the principles or views entertained by himself on 
the subject of slavery zs it has existed in our own dependencies, 
or as it exists in America at the present moment, or in other por- 
tions of the globe. He s'ood there to justify that policy which in 
a distant land he had deemed it right to pursue ; he stood there to 
justify the policy which had bc^en adopted and pursued, and was 
still pursued by certain individuals in the United Slates, whether 
many or few, whether a handful or a multitude, who were known 
by tlie name of the abolitionists of the United Slates of America. 



He stood there to justify himself and them in the act of fearlessly, 
constantly, unceasingly, and universally, to every class and color 
on the face of the habitable globe, enunciating the great principles 
of equal justice and equal rights — of enunciating this great truth 
that slaveholding is a crime in the sight of God, and should be im- 
mediately and totally abolished. That God had in no instance 
given to man a discretionary power to hold property in his fellow- 
man ; that instant emancipation was the right of the slave ; that 
instant manumission was the duty of the master. That no govern- 
ment had a right to keep a single soul in slavery ; that no nation 
had authority to permit slavery, let that nation exist where it may ; 
if professing to be a Christian nation, so much the more atrocious 
was their wickedness. The nation which permitted the keeping 
in slavery of God's creatures, which allowed the traffic in human 
beings for 400 pieces of silver, even in the capital itself, was not 
entitled to be called a christian nation, and if professing to be a 
christian nation, so much the more pre-eminently wicked and infa- 
mous was the nation. By that act that infamous, wicked nation 
violated every christian feeling, and was worthy of being exposed 
to the scorn and derision of every nation under heaven, christian 
or pagan. This was a most momentous question, and he spoke 
strongly upon it, but he spoke advisedly. He did not speak an- 
grily, but he did and must speak warmly on the subject of Slavery. 
He could not talk of millions of men and women, each of whom 
was endowed with a soul which was precious in the sight of God 
— each of whom was endowed with that principle which out-valu- 
ed worlds — he could not speak of such, registered with the brutes, 
with calm unconcern, or classed with chattels, and be calm — if he 
could do so, he should be ready with these nails to open his breast, 
and tear therefrom a heart which would be unworthy of a man. 
He could and would speak calmly on other topics, but this was a 
subject which required energy, unceasing energy, till the evil was 
removed from the face of the earth, till all the kingdoms of the 
world had become the kingdoms of our God, and of his Christ. 
He was thankful for the present opportunity which had been afford- 
ed him of entering into this discussion ; he was thankful that his 
opponent, for so it seemed he must be called, was an American, 
that he was a christian minister, that he was an opponent of slave- 
ry, that he brought to the question before them, talent, learning, 
patriotism, and christian feeling. Such an opponent he respected 
and wished the audience to respect. He would ask them to cher- 
ish his person, to respect his opinions, to weigh his arguments, to 
test his facts, and if they were just and righteous, to adopt his 
principles. If he (Mr. T.) knew the strongest expression he had 
ever used regarding America, he would use it to-night ; if he knew 
in what recess of his heart his worst wish towards America was 
deposited he would drag it forth to the light, that his opponent 
might grapple with it in their presence. He would not soften down 
2 



10 

any of his language ; he would not sugar over his words, he would 
not abate one iota of what he had ever said in reference to the 
wickedness of America on former occasions. Let his opponent 
weigh every syllable he (Mr. T.) had uttered, every statement he 
had ever made, every charge he had ever brought against his coun- 
try or against his cloth, and if he found that he had exaggerated 
facts or stated what was not true, he would be glad to be shown it. 
He was there before them and his opponent to search after the 
truth, truth which would outlive Mr. Breckinridge — truth which 
would outlive Geo. Thompson — truth which was far more valuable 
than the proudest victory — truth which was invaluable to both — 
and let the truth stand out during the discussion which might fol- 
low ; and when they had found out the truth, if they saw anything 
which had to be taken back — anything to be given up — anything 
for which to be sorry, he would try to outstrip his opponent in his 
readiness to retract what was wrong, to yield what was untenable, 
and to express his sorrow before God and the audience for what 
he had undeservedly said of America. With regard to the feelings 
he entertained towards the Americans, he need only refer to the 
last letter he had published to the American people, from which he 
would read a passage to show the feelings he entertained towards 
that country, as well as to those of her citizens who might reach 
these shores from America. Mr. Thompson then read the follow- 
ing passages : — 

I love America, because her sons, though my persecutors, are immortal — because ' tliey 
know not what they do,' or if enlightened and wilful, are so much the more to be pitied 
and cared for. I love America, because of the many affectionate friends I have found 
upon her shores, by whom I have been cherished, refreshed and strengthened; and upon 
whose regard I place an incalculable value. I love America, for there dwells the fettered 
slave — fettered and darkened, and degraded now, but soon to spring into light and liberty, 
and rank on earth, as he is ranked in heaven, ' but a little lower than the angels.' I love 
America, because of the many mighty and magnificent enterprises in which she has em- 
barked for the salvation of the world. I love her rising spires, her peacefid villages, and 
her multiplied means of moral, literary, and religious improvement. I love her hardy sons, 
the tenants of her vallies and her mountains green. I love her native children of the for- 
est, still roaming, untutored and untamed, ii the unsubdued wildernesses of the ' far west.' 
I love your coimtry, because it i.s the theatre of the sublimest contest now waging with 
darkness and despotism, and misery on the face of the globe; and because your country is 
ordained to be the scene of a triumph, as holy in its character and as glorious in its results, 
as any ever achieved through the instrumentality of men. 

But though my soul yearns over America, and I desire nothing more eagerly than to see 
her stand forth among the nations of the world, unsullied in reputation, and omnipotent in 
energy, yet shall I, if spared, deem it my duly to publish aloud her wide and fearful depar- 
tures from rectitude and mercy. I shall unceasingly proclaim llie wrongs of her enslaved 
children ; and, while she continues to ' tralhc in the souls of men,' brand her as recreant 
to the great princinles of her revolutionary struggle, and hypocritical in all her profession: 
of attachment to tlie cause of human rights. 

1 thank God, I cherish no feelings of bitterness or revenge, towards any individual ii 
America, my most inveterate enemy not excepted. Should the sea on which I am about t> 
embark receive me ere I gain my native shore — should this be the last letter I ever ad 
dress to the people of .America, Heaven bears me witness, I with truth and sincerity affirn' 
that, as I look to be freely forgiven, so freely do I forgive my persecutors and slanderers 
and pray — ' Lord lay not this sin to their charge.' 

In another part of the same letter he had thus expressed hira 
self :— 



11 

Should a kind providence place me again upon the soil of my birth, and when fliere, 
shoiiid any American (and 1 hope many will) visit that soil to plead the cause of virtue and 
philanthropy, and strive in love to provoke us to good works, let him know that there will 
be one man who will uphold his right to liberty of speech, one man who will publicly and 
privately assert and maintain the divinity of his commission to attack sin and alleviate 
suflering, in every form, in every latitude, and under whatever sanction and authorities it 
may he 'cloaked and guarded. And coming on such an errand, I think I may pledge myself 
in behalf of my country, that he shall not be driven with a wife and little ones, from the 
floor of a hotel in less than 36 hours after he first breathes our air — that he shall not be de- 
nounced as an incendiary, a fanatic, an emissary, an enemy, and a traitor — that he shall 
not be assailed with oaths and missiles, while proclaiming from the pulpit in the house of 
God, on the evening of a christian Sabbath, the doctrines of 'judgment, justice, and mer- 
cy,'— that he shall not be threatened, wherever he goes, with ' tar and feathers' — that he 
shall not be repudiated and abused in newspapers denominated religious, and by men calling 
themselves christian Ministers— that he shall not have a price set upon his head, and his 
house surrounded with ruffians, hired to effect his abduction— that his wife and children 
shall not be forced to (lee from the hearth of a friend, lest they should be ' smoked out ' by 
men in civic authority, an^l their paid myrmidons— that the mother and her little ones shall 
not find at midnight, the house surrounded by an infuriated multitude, calling with horrible 
execrations fur the husband and the father — that his lady shall not be doomed, while in a 
strange land, to see her balies clinging to her with affright, exclaiming, 'the mob shan't 
get papa," ' papa is good is he not 1 the naughty mob shan't get him, shall they 1 ' — that he 
shall not, finallv, be forced to quit the most enlightened and christian city of our nation, to 
escape the assa'ssin's knife, and return to tell his country, that in Britain the friend of vir- 
tue, humanity, and freedom, was put beyond the protection of the laws, and the pale of civ- 
ilized sympathy, and given over by professor and profane, to the tender mercies of a blood- 
thirsty rabble. 

These extracts were from the last letter that he had written to 
the people of America, and which had been widely published there ; 
and he was glad of an opportunity of now laying them before a 
Glasgow audience, and of having them incorporated in the pro- 
ceedings of the evening, in order to show that he then forgave 
America, that he now forgave America. He would stand there to 
defend the right of Mr. Breckinridge to a fair hearing from his 
(Mr. Thompson's) countrymen ; and stand forward as his protect- 
or, to save him from the missile that might be aimed at him, and 
to receive into his own bosom the dagger which might be aimed at 
his heart. His opponent might be anxious to know what report he 
(Mr. T.) made on his return to Britain of his proceedings in 
America. He would therefore read an extract from the minutes 
of the London Society for Universal Emancipation : — 

George Thompson was then introduced to the Committee, and communicated at length 
the result of his Mission in the United States, and the present cheering aspect of the An- 
li-Sla\erv cause in that country. The following is a brief outline of his statement : 

He desired to be devoutly thankfid to Divine Providence tor the signa,l preservation and 
help vouchsafed to him in all his labors, perils, and persecutions. He considered it a high 
honor to have been permitted to proclaim in the ears of a distant people the great princi- 
ples held bv the Society. „ ,r i l 

He sailed from this country on the I7th August, 1834, landed at New York on the 
20th September, and commenced his pul)lic labors on the 1st of October. His public 
Lectures were continued down to the 20th October, 1835, during which period he dehver- 
ed between 2 and 300 public Lecuires, besides innumerable shorter addi esses before Com- 
mittees, Conventions, Associations, &c. &c. His audiences had invariably been overflow- 
ing, and compcjsed from time to time of members of State Legislatures, the Heads of 
Colleges, I'rofessors, Clergymen of all denomi lations, members of the legal profession, 
and the students of nearly all the Theological and Academical Institutions in New Eng- 
land. The result of his lal..)rs had been the multiplication of Ami-Slavery Associations to 
an unprecedented extent. Up to the month of May, 1835, he met with no serious or fl.r- 
midable opposition. At that lime the Nati.mal Society reported the existence of 250 
auxiliaries, and its determination to appropriate during the ensuing year the sum of 39,000 
«lollars in the printing of papers and pamphlets to be gratuitously circulated amongst the 



12 

entire «hite population of the country. The Southern States, previously ainjnst silent ami 
inoperative, soon alter commeMced a system of terrorism, intercepting the pulihc convey- 
ances, rilling the Mail Bags, scourging, mutilating or murdering all suspected of holding 
Anti-Slavery views, and calling with one consent upon the Free States to pass laws, abridg- 
ing the freedom of speech and of the press, upon the subject of Slavery- The North 
promptly responded to the call ot the South, and in every direction throughout the Free 
Stales the Abolitioni.^ts became the victims of persecution, proscription and outrage. The 
friends of Negro freedom every where endured with a patience and spirit of christian char- 
ity, almost unexampled, the multiplied wrongs and injuries accuamlated upon them. They 
ceased not to labor tor the Holy cause they had espoused, but peraeveriTigly pursued their 
course in the use of all the means sanctioned by Justice, Religion, and the Constitution of 
their country. The result had been the rapid extension of their principles, and a vast ac- 
cession of moral strength. G. T. gave an appalling account of the condition of the South- 
ern Churches. The Presbyterians, Baptists, and Episcopal Methodist Churches were the 
main pillars of the system of Slavery, Were they to withdraw their countenance, and 
cease to participate in its administration and profit, it would not exist one year. Bishops, 
presiding Elders. Travelling Preachers, Local Preachers, Trustees, Stewards, Class Lead- 
ers, p. ivate Members, and other attendants in the Churches of the Episcopal Methodists, 
with the preachers and subordinate members of the other denominations, are, with few 
exceptions, SlaTeholders. Many of the preachers, not merely possessing domestic Slaves, 
but being planters ' on a pretty extensive scale,' and dividing their time between the du- 
ties of the Pastoral Office and the driving of a gang of Negroes upon a cotton, tobacco, or 
rice plantation. 

In the great pro-Slavery Meetings at Charleston and Richmond, the clergy of all denom- 
inations attended in a body, and at the bidding of vigilance Committees suspended their 
Schools for the instruction of the colored population, receiving as their reward a vote of 
thanks from their lay Slaveholding Brethren ' fer their prudent and patriotic conduct.' 

G. T. gave a most encouraging account of the present state of the Anti-Slavery cause, 
as nearly as it could be ascertamed by letters recently received. He stated that there were 
now, exclusive of the Journals published by the Anti-Slavery Societies, 100 newspaper.'* 
boldly advocating the principles of Abolition. Between 4 and 500 auxiliary associations, 
comprising 15 or 1700 Ministers of the Gospel of various denominations. G. T. stated 
also a number of particulars, shewing the rapid progress of correc*. opinions amongst the 
Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Methodists and Baptists, producing a Document just re- 
ceived Irom the last named body, signed by 185 Clergymen, being a reply to a letter ad- 
dressed by the Baptist ministers in and near London to tlie Baptist Churches of America, 
and fully reciprocating all their sentiments on the subject of imnrwdiale and entire emanci- 
pation. The cause was proceeding with accelerated rapidity. Ten or twelve Agents of 
the National Society were incessantly laboring with many others employed by the State 
Societies, of which there were seven, viz. Kentucky, (a slave Stale,) Ohio, New York, 
Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and'Ver.iiont. Gerrit Smith, Esq. a com- 
petent aulhority, bad stated that every week witnessed an accession to the ranks of the 
Abolitionists of not less than 500, in t!ic State of New York alone, and be did not know 
that in all the Societies there was one intemperate or profane person. G. T. in describing 
the character of the persons composing the Anti-Slavery Societies in America, stated, thai 
they were universally men and women of religious principles, and, in most instances, of un- 
questioned piety. He had never known any benevolent enterprise carried forward more ir» 
dependence upon Divine Direction and Divine Aid, than the abolition cause in tl»c United 
States. In all their meetings, public or social, they committed themselves to God it> 
Prayer, and he had found that those who had beei> most veiiemently denounced as ' Fanat- 
ics and Incendiaries' were men sound in judgment, calm in temper, deliberate in council, 
and prudent, though resolute, in action. The great principle on which all their Societies^ 
were founded was the essential sinfulness of slaveholding, and the consequent necessity of 
its immediate and entire abolition. The great means by which they bad sought to accom- 
plish their object, was the fearless publication of the truth in love, addressed to the under- 
standings and hearts of their fellow citizens. Expediency was a doctrine they abjured. 
Free from a time-serving or timid spirit, they Iwldly relied upon the righteousness of their 
cause, the potency of truth, and the blessing of God. They were entitled to receive fron> 
the Abolitionists of Great Britain the warmest conjinendation, the fullest confidence, and 
most cordial co-operation. 

He was happy in being able to state, that whcreTer the principles of immediate abolitioir 
had been fully adopted, prejudice against color had been thrown aside, and that the inem- 
l)»r8 of the Ami-Slavery Societies throughout the country were endeavoring by every prop- 
er means to accuiiiplisU the moral, intellectual, and spiritual elevation of the colored popu- 
lation. 

He lioped lie would yet have ample opportunities of replying to 
the positions assumed by his opponent. He thought ho would be 



13 

able to shew that slavery in America was American slavery ; that 
the Congress of America — that the Constitut'on of America made 
it an institution of the country, and therefore a national sin of 
America. In reference to any question as to the Constitution and 
laws of the United States of America, he was glad he had to do 
with a gentleman who knew these well, who hela a high character 
for his Constitutional and legal attainments ; and he hoped he 
would be able to show that Slavery in America was American Sla- 
very — that the people in the North did not hate slavery — that they 
did not oppose slavery — that they were the greatest supporters of 
slavery in the United States— that slavery in America was a na- 
tional question. But he would keep his proofs till he had time to 
say something along with them. Our interference was not a po- 
litical interference with America, it was only a moral interference, 
to put an end to slavery — and he hoped the people of this coun- 
try, would continue to denounce slavery in America ; and at the 
same time he was quite willing that his opponent should denounce 
the idolatry of our eastern possessions. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE said, he would take up the line of 
argument in which he had been proceeding ; but before doing so 
he wished to make one observation. How did it happen — admit- 
ting all that had been said by his opponent to be true and fair, how 
did it happen, that the same arguments and the same principles 
were so differently received in difTerent countries .' How did it 
happen that the individual who advocated the same cause, with the 
same temper, and almost in the same words, in Glasgow and in 
Boston, should in the one place be supported by general applause, 
and in the other be ill-treated and despised, and even made to flee 
for his life > This was a question which was yet to be solved. 
Mr. Thompson had spoken of the Northern states as the greatest 
friends of slavery, forgetting that he had formerly represented the 
clergy as such. This was one of the principal reasons of his want 
of success — of what might justly be called his signal failure. He 
had brought unjust charges against an entire people, and had in con- 
sequence been ill-treated. Mr. Thompson had shown the better 
part of valor, discretion, in taking care never to visit any of the 
slave states. He had never seen a slaveholder, except, perhaps, 
he had met such an individual in a free state. At least if he had 
done so, it was a circumstance which was not generally known, 
one of those hidden things of which it was not permitted to read. 
Having made this observation, he (Mr. B.) would proceed to state 
that in the slaveholding states there was a large minority — in some, 
nearly one half of the population — zealously engaged in furthering 
the abolition of slavery. In Kentucky, slaveholding had been in- 
troduced only by a small majority. When some time after, a con- 
vention canvassed the subject, that majority was diminished, and 
still at this hour in that ^tatc, in which he had been born, one ol 



14 

the greatest political questions agitated was whether slaveholding 
should be aboHshed or retained as an element of the constitution. 
A law had long ago been passed imposing a fine of six hundred 
dollars on wooever brought a slave into the State for sale, and 
three hundred dollars on whoever bought him. A fine of nine 
hundred dollars was thus made the penalty of introducing a slave 
into Kentucky as merchandise. He was sorry to have to speak 
of buying and selling human beings ; but, to be understood, it was 
absolutely necessary that he should do so. In Virginia also, from 
which Kentucky had been in great measure peopled, not many 
years ago a fiightful insurrection had taken place, and many cruel- 
lies had been practised — it was needless to say whether most on the 
side of the blacks or the whites. The succeeding legislature of 
that State took up the question of slavery in its length and breadth 
— passed a law for giving $20,000 to the Colonization Society, — 
and rejected only by a small majority a proposal to appropriate 
that fund equally lo the benefit of slaves to be set free — as of those 
already free. He mentioned these things merely to show that there 
was a great and an increasing party in the south favorable to the 
aboHtion of negro slavery. In fact, in some of the Southern states 
the free people of color had increased faster than the whites ; in 
Maryland alone there were .32,000 of a free colored population, 
all of whom, or their immcdiale progenitors, had been voluntarily 
manumitted. It was needless to say, therefore, that in the South- 
ern states there was no anti-slavery party. There certainly was 
not such a party in Mr. Thompson's sense of the word ; but Mr. 
Thompson's definition was not the correct one, as he (Mr. E.) 
would explain directly. Was it fair then, he would ask, to hold 
up to the British public, not only the people of the free stales, but 
also this great minority in the Southern states as pro-slavery men. 
Let slavery be denounced, but let not the denunciation fill upon 
the whole American people, many of whom were doing all they 
could for its abolition. If Louisiana resolved on perpetuating sla- 
very, let this be told of Louisiana. If South Carolina adhered to 
the system, say so of South Carolina ; but do not implicate the 
mass of the American people, so many of whcm are as much op- 
posed to slavery as is Mr. Thompson himself. He had heard it 
said that the sun never sat on the British dominions. As well, 
then, might the British people be identified with the idolatry which 
prevailed in llindostan as the Americans be identified with negro 
slavery. The question was not American ; it existed solely be- 
tween the slaveholder and the world. It was unfair, therefore, to 
blame the Americans as a nation : the slaveholder, and the slave- 
holder alone, shoiild be blamed, let him reside where he might. 
Having thus disposed of the first branch of his argument, he was 
naturally led to explain the wonderful phenomenon of Mr. Thomp- 
son's reception in America — to give a reason \\hy that reception 
was so (lilicrcnt lr(;ni \\liat the same c;entleman met with in CI las- 



15 

gow. Mr. Thompson bad taken up the question as one of civil 
organization. Now the fact was, that the American nation was 
divided into two parties on the subject, namely, the pro-slavery, 
and the anti-slavery parties. One party said, let it alone ; the oth- 
er, and by far the most numerous party, said, something ought to be 
done in relation to it. In the last named cla'-s, was to be included 
the population of all the non-slavehohling states. He declared, in 
the presence of God, his conviction, that there was not a sane man 
in the free states who did not wish the world rid of slavery. He 
believed the same of a large minority in the states in which slavery 
existed. The pro-slavery party themselves were also divided. 
One section, and he rejoiced to add, a small one, called into exer- 
tion in fact only by that eftervesence which had been produced by 
the violence of Mr. T's friends — spoke of slavery as an exceed- 
ingly good thing — as not only consistent with the law of God, but 
as absolutely necessary for the advancement of civilization. This 
party was organised within the last few years, and met the vio- 
lence of Mr. Thompson's party by a corresponding violence, as a 
beam naturally seeks its balance. Another section of the pro- 
slavery party, considered slavery r great evil, and wished that it 
were abolished, but they did not see how this could be effected. 
They had been born in a state of society where it had an exist- 
ence, and they could see no course to adopt but to let it cure itself. 
These were the two sections into which the supporters of slavery were 
divided. The anti-slavery party was also composed of individuals who 
had difierent views of the subject. The one class had been called Grad- 
ualists, Emancipationists, and Colonizationists. — The other w.ere call- 
ed Abolitionists. With the latterclass,Mr. Thompson had identified 
himself. And now, as while in America, by his praises of Mr. Garrison, 
and all their leaders, his abuse of their opponents, and his efforts to 
chain the British public, hand and foot, to them and their projects, 
shows his continued devotion to them. He would refer to this party 
again, but, in the mean time, he would only say, that its members 
manifested far more honesty than wisdom. In 1833, the abolition- 
ists held a Convention in Philadelphia, at which they drew up a 
Declaration of Independence — a declaration which he dared to say 
Mr. Thompson cherished as the apple of his eye ; but which had 
been more effectual in raising mobs than ever witch was in raising 
the wind. The document of which he spoke announced three 
principles, to the promulgation of which, the members of the Con- 
vention pledged their lives and their fortunes. A number of the 
particulars specified, in support of which they said they would live 
and die, went to change materially the laws and Constitution of the 
United States, and yet it was pretended that this was not a politi- 
cal question ! Their first principle was, that every human being 
has an instant right to be free, irrespective of all consequences ; 
and incapable of restriction or modification. The second was like 
unto it, that the right of citizenship, inherent in every man, in 
the spot where he is born, is so perfect, that to deprive him of its 



16 

exercise in any way whatever — even by emigration, under strong 
moral constraint, is a sin. Their third principle was, that all pre- 
judice against color was sinfid ; and that all our judgments and all 
our feelings towards others should be regulated exclusively by their 
moral and intellectual worth. Mr. B. said he stated these princi- 
ples from memory only — as he did most of the facts on which he 
relied. But he was willing to stand or fall, in both countries, upon 
the substantial accuracy of his statements. Mr. Breckinridge here 
closed his address, the period alloted to him having expired. 

Mr. THOMPSON was anxious to lay before the meeting docu- 
mentary testimony, in preference to any thing he could say himself. 
Rather than set forth his own views, as he had done on many for- 
mer occasions, he wished to bring forward such documents as even 
his opponent would admit to be really American. He pledged 
himself to show that this was an American question. He was not 
prepared for this branch of the subject, because he had not expect- 
ed that Mr. Breckinridge would exonerate America from the charge 
of being a slaveholding nation ; nevertheless, he was perfectly 
ready to take it up. He would undertake to prove that the exist- 
ence of slavery in the United States was the result of a compro- 
mise — that the Constitution of the United States was, in fact, based 
upon a compromise, in relation to this subject. At the time when 
the Constitution was agreed to, the then slaveholding states refused 
to come into what was called the confederacy of republics, unless 
slaveholding was permitted. At that time there were only three 
hundred thousand slaves in the Union; now there were two millions 
and a half. So much, said Mr. Thompson, for what the good and 
influential men of the South, spoken of by Mr. Breckinridge, had 
done for the abolition of slavery. Then there were three hundred 
thousand ; now there were two million four hundred thousand. 
The method by which these good and influential people had gone 
about extirpating slavery, had been an Irish method ; it had shown 
distinctly the extent of their zeal and usefulness. Why, setting 
aside their influence altogether, they might, had they been as nu- 
merous as represented by his respected opponent, have manumitted 
as many oftheir own slaves. It was said, no doubt, that the laws prevent- 
ed this ; but who made the laws ? The child could not do what her mam- 
ma had commanded her to do, because she was tied to the mahogany ta- 
ble, she could only answer, when asked who tied her, that it was herself. 
In like manner, he could turn round on those whom his respected 
opponent represented, as haters of slavery. Emancipationists they 
wished to be called ; colonizationists they ought to be called. He 
would ask them, what had they done ? Had they not compromised 
every principle of justice and truth, by permitting slaveholding in 
their Union ? Had they not even bestowed exclusive privileges on 
the slaveholders ? Had they not bestowed on them such privileges 
as that, even now, they sent twenty-four or twenty-five represen- 



17 

\atives to Congress more than their proportion ? His respected op- 
ponent had said this was not a national question. Why, then, send 
8ix thousand bayonets to the South fur the protection of the slave- 
holder? Why were the American people taxed in oixler to main- 
tain bayonets, blunderbusses, and artillery in the South? Not a 
national question ! Why, then, was Missouri admitted a member of the 
Union — Missouri a slaveholding State, admitted by the votes of the 
Northern republics. Mr. Breckinridge had fought very shy of the 
state of the Capital, and the power of Congress to suppress the 
internal trafhc in slaves. He (Mr. Thompson) trusted, however, 
that this branch of the subject would be taken up. His opponent 
himself, in a letter addressed to the New York Evangelist, had 
stated, that Congress possessed full power to suppress the internal 
tralHc in slaves; and yet they did it not. There was in fact no 
question at all respecting the power of the Congress, in this matter; 
yet it was said the question of slavery was not national. The peo- 
ple of the Northern states, — the slavery-hating, liberty-loving peo- 
ple of the Northern states had said they would figlit shoulder to shoul- 
der with the Slaveholders of the South, should the slaves dare to 
rise and say they were men. and after all this, it was asserted that 
this was not a national question. Mr. Breckinridge had said, that 
he (Mr. Thompson) got all his information at second hand. He 
miglit have told the reason why ; he knew, however, that such a 
revelation would have been awful. He knew that pious men, ad- 
vocates of the cause of abolition had been hanged, butchered, their 
backs ploughed up by Presbyterian elders; and if such had been 
done towards natives of New England, what could a stranger such 
as he liave expected? He (Mr. T.) liad, it seems, got all at sec- 
ond hand. He would tell tlie meeting where he had obtained some 
of his information. From Mr. Breckinridge himself; and he must 
say, that sounder or juster views respecting slavery — or a more com- 
plete justification of the mission in which he (Mr, T.) had been so 
lately engaged, could scarcely be met with. This was evidence 
which he had no fear could be ruled out of court. It was that of 
the friend and defender of America. Mr. T. then read the follow- 
ing passage from a speech delivered by Mr. Breckinridge; — 

\Vli:it, then, is sluvci y 7 fir llie (inr-^lim relates to tlio action of certain principles on 
it, iiri.l to its |.ro!,i.l,lc au.l prnpcr rcMill>; uhat is sl;n.-,v as it exists among us ■? We re- 
ply, it is tli.it con.lilion eiifirccil Ijy llic lausol" i-.nv. half of the states of this confederacy, 
^11 uluc-h one p.. i lion of the (;,,iJiiounit_\ , called laa. lers, is allowed such power over anolli- 
•cr portion cal'.e.l .-la\ts; as 

1. 'I'o (l-privc them of ilie entire earniii'^s of their own Ial)or, except only so mncli as is 
iieressary t(j coiiliniie labor itself, l)y Continuing liealthfiil existence, lli«s committing clear 
rohherv. 

2 To reiliice tliein to the necessity of universal concubinage, by flenying to them the 
^;ivil ri^'ht.s of iiiairi.i.;e; tlui.s l);eakii'i„r up lluMlearest relations of life, and encoHraging 
iiiii\ersal pid.-litution. 

3. 'I'o deprive iIkmm of the moans and opportunities of moral and intellectual culture, ill 
many slate, iiiakiiig it a hi^h penal oifeiKa- to tea(li th'-i.i to read; thus perpetuating what- 
ever'of eul therc^ ^s that proceeds fiom i-iinian<-e. 

4. 'Vo set up hei\v(;on parents and 'heir < liii hen an authority lii(,'lier than the impulse of 
nature and the lavsa of (jod; whick Lruuks up llic aulJioritj of llic father over bis ow« 

3 



18 

offspring, anil, nt pleasure, separates the motlier at a returnleps distance from lier child; 
thus abrogating tiie cleaiept laws of nature; thus outraging all decency and justice, and 
degrading ami oppressing thousands upon thoufiands of beings, created like themselves, in 
the image of the most high God ! This is slavery as it is daily exhibited in every slave state. 

Here, continued Mr. T., is slavery acknowledged to be clear rob- 
bery, and yet it is not to be instantly abolished ! Universal con- 
cubinage and prostitution, which must not immediately be put an 
end to! Oli, these wicked abolitionists, who seek to put an im- 
meditate close to such a state of things. What an immensity of 
good have the emancipationists of the South, as they wish to be 
called, of the colonizationists as they ought to be called, done during 
their fifty years labor, when this is yet left for the Rev. R. J. Breck- 
inridge to say. Dear, delightful, energetic men ! Truly, if this 
is all they have been able to effect it is time that the work were 
committed to abler hands. Mr. Thompson then read an extract 
from the Philadelphia declaration. Mr. Breckinridge bad called it 
a declaration of independence, but it was only a declaration of sen- 
timents ; — 

We have met together for the ariiievenient of an entrrprise, without which, that of our 
fathers is incomplete, and whicli, for irs magnitude, f^oleinrjity, and probable lesidtsupon 
the destiny of the world, as far an tran.^cend.s iheirs, as moral truih does piiyslcal lorce. 

In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in deciscm of purpose, in intrepidity of ac- 
tion, in steadfastness of laith, in sincerity of spirit, we would not be inferior to them. 

Their principles led them to wage war against their ofipressors, and to spill human blood 
like water, in order to be free. Ours forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and 
lead us to reject, and entreat the oppressed to reject the use of all carnal weapons, for de- 
liverance from bondage — relying solely upon those which arc spirtual, and mighty through 
Uod to the pulling down of strong holds. 

Their measures were physical resistance — the marshalling in arms — the hostile array — 
the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such only as the oppositicm of moral purity to moral 
corruption — the destruction of error by the potency of trnlli — the overthrow of prejudice 
by the power of love — and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of re|)entance. 

Their grievances, great as they were, were trilling in comparison with the wrongs and 
sufferings of those for whom we plead. Our fathers were never sla\es — never bouglit and 
sold like cattle — never shut out from the light of knowledge and religion — never subjected 
to the lash of brutal task masters. 

Hut those, for whose emancipation we are striving, constituting at the present, at least 
one-sixlh part of our countrymen, — are recognised by the laws, and treated by their fellow- 
beings as marketable con xlilies — as goods and chattels — as brute beasts; are pinmlered 

daily of the fruits (d' their tuil, without redress ; — really enjoy no constitutional or legal 
protection from licentious and iiuirderous oulragi's n|)on their persons — are rutMessly torn 
asunder— the tender babe from tlie arms of its liaiitic mother — the heart-broken wile from 
her weeping husband — at the caprice or pleasure of irresponsible l\ rants; — for the crime 
of having a dark complexion — they suli<;r llw: pangs of hunger, llii? inliiction of stripes, 
and the ignominy of brutal servitude. Tlii-y are ke[)t in heathenish darkness by laws ex- 
pressly enacted to make their instruction a (a imiiial ofleiice. 

These are the prominent <.ii<;iiios(aii(is in tlie cno<lilii)n of more than two iniUlons of 
our |)eople, the proof of which may be found in thuu>aiiil.- of indisputalile facts, and in the 
laws of the slaveholding slates. 

Hence we maintain : — 

That in the vi(;w of the civil and n lii;ious privileges of this ruition, the guilt of its op- 
pression is tuiequallcd by any oilier on ilic turc. of the earth — and, iherc-foie. 

That it is bound to repent iiisl.iiilly, in timid tliu heavy burden, to break e\(ry yoke and 
let the oppressed go free. 

We further maintain: — 

That no man has a right to ensla\e or iinbriile liis bidllier— to In. Id or aekiinwledge him, 
for one moiueiil, as a piece of iiiiTchainlisc— to keep bai k his hire by fraud— or to briitali/.c 
his niiiwl by denjiiig him the means nf iiiii llei inal, social, and min-al iniprmeinem. 

The right to enjoy lilicrty is iiialiiiiable. 'J'o in\arle it is to usurp the prennjative of Jeho- 
rah. Kveiy man has a right to his own l,„dy— to the products of his own l.ibor— to the 
protection of Ijw - and to ilie conimini advantages of society, it k pirac) to buy or steal 



19 

a native African, ana subject him to servitude. Surely the &in is as great to enslave an 
American as an African. 

Therefore, we believe and affirm : — 

That there is no difference in principle, between the African slave-trade and Americaa 
slavery. 

That every AraM-ican citizen who retains a human being in involuntary bondage, as hii 
property is (according to Scripture) a inan-stealer. 

That the slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought under the protection of law- 

Tiiat if they had lived from the time of Piiaraoh down to tlie present period, and had 
been entailed through successive generations, th«ir right to be free could never have been ali- 
enated, but their claims would have constantly risen in solemnity. 

That all those laws which are now in force, admitting tlie right of slavery, are there- 
fore, before God, utterly null aiui void; being an audacious usurpation of the Divine pre- 
rogative, a daring infringement on the law of nature, a base overthow of the very founda- 
tions of the social compact, a complete extinction of ail the relations, endearments, and 
obligations of mankind, and a presumptuous trmisgressiou of all the holy commandments — 
and that, therefore, they ought to be instantly abrogated. 

He would ask if there was any thing here different from what he had 
read from his respected opponent ? The sentiments were the same, 
though not given in Mr. Breckinridge's strong and glowing lan- 
guage. Mr. Breckinridge's description of slavery was even more 
methodical, clearer, and better arranged ; he was therefore inclined 
to prefer it to the other. He would, however, ask Mr. Breckin- 
ridge not to persevere in speaking of the violence, as he called it, 
a{ the abolitionists, only in general terms. He hoped he would 
point out the instances to which he alluded, and not take advan- 
tage of them, because they were a handful and odious. They 
were not singular in being called odious. Noah was called odious 
by the men of his di^y, because he pointed out to them the wicked- 
ness of which they were guilty. Every reformer had been called odi- 
ous, and he trusted to be always among those who were deemed 
odious by slaveholders and their apologists. He repeated, that he 
wished Mr. Breckinridge to forsake general allegations, and to spec- 
ify time and place when he brought forward his charges. The 
time was passed, when, in Glasgow, vague assertions could produce 
any effect. The time was not, indeed, distant when even here the 
friends of negro freedom had been deemed odious — when they 
were a mere handful, met in a room in the Black Bull Inn. But 
from being odious they had become respectable, and from respecta- 
ble triumphant, in consequence of their having renounced expedi- 
ency, and taken their stand on the broad principles of truth and 
justice. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE said, he had on so many occasions and 
in so many different forms uttered the sentiments contained in the 
passages which had just been read a? his, that he was unable to say 
from what particular speech or writing they were taken. But he 
had no doubt that if the whole passage to which they belonged 
were read, it would be seen that they contained, in addition to what 
they had lieard, the most unqualified condemnation of the irrational 
course pursued by the abolitionists. He believed also, that, what- 
ever it was, that writing had been uttered by him in a slave state. For 
he could say for himself, that he had never said that of a brother be- 



20 

hind his back, which he would be afraid or unwilling to repeat be- 
fore his face. He had never gone to Boston, to cry back to Balti- 
more, how great a sin they were guilty of in upholding slavery. 
The worst things which he had said against slavery had been said 
in the slave states, and had Mr. Thompson gone there and seen 
with bis two eyes, what he describes wholly upon hearsay, he would, 
perhaps, have understood the subject better than he seems to do. As 
he felt himself divinely conmiissioned, he should have felt no fear, 
he should have gone at whatever hazard, he should have seen slave- 
ry in its true colors, though he had read it in his own blood. If 
Saul of Tarsus had gone to America to see slavery — I dare to say, 
with the help of God, he would have been right sure to see it. He 
did not say that Mr. T. should have gone to the Southern states if 
his life was likely to be endangered by his going there ; but he would 
say this, that Mr. Thompson ought not to pretend, that he had 
been, in the least degree, a martyr in the cause, when, in reality, he 
had exercised the most masterly discretion. With regard to the 
acts of the abolitionists, as he had been called on to mention par- 
ticulars, he could not say that he had ever heard of their having killed 
any person, nor had he ever heard of any of them being killed. 
He might mention, however, that he himself had or>ce almost been 
mobbed in Boston, and, that too, by a mob stirred up against him, 
by placards, written, as he believed, by William Lloyd Garrison. 
He had never obtained direct proof of this, but he might state, as 
a reason for his belief, that the inHnmmatory placards were of the 
precise breadth and appearance of the columns of Garrison's pa- 
per — the Liberator, and the breadth oftlie columns of no other news- 
paper in that city. Mr. B. staled a second case, in which, on the 
arrival at the city of New York of the Rev. J. L. Wilson, a mis- 
sionary to Western Africa, in charge of two lads, the sons of two 
African kings, committed by their fathers to the Maryland Coloniza- 
tion Society for education ; some friends of the Anti-Slavery Society 
of that city, with the concurrence, if not by the procurement, as was 
universally believed, of Elizur Wright, Jr., a leading person, and 
Secretary of the principal society of abolitionists — got out a writ to 
take the bodies of the boys, under the pretence of believing, that 
they had been kidknappod in Africa. These two cases he consid- 
ered, would perhapssatisfy Mr. T'sappetite forfacts in the meantime ; 
he would have j)lenly n)ore of them when they came to the main 
question of debate. One other instance, and he would have done. 
There was a law in the United States, that if a slave run away from 
one of the slaveholding slates, to any of the non-slaveholding states, 
the authorities of the hitter vcre bound to give him up to his master. 
A runaway slave had been confined in New York prison, previous 
to being sent home, an attempt was made to stir up a mob, for the 
purpose of liberating hiuK A bill instigating the people to take the 
laws into their own hands, was traced to an abolitionist — the same 
Elizur Wright, Jr. He brought to the oflice of one of the princi- 



21 

pal city papers, a denial of the charge — in a note signed by hiin in 
his official capacity. He was told that was insufficient, as it was 
in his individual, not in his official capacity, that he was supposed to 
have done the act in question. He replied, it would be time to make 
the denial in that form, when the cliarge was so specifically made ; 
meantime he considered the actual denial sufficient. Then, sir, said 
one present, I charge you with writing the placard — for 1 saw it in 
your hand writing. These instances were sufficient lo prove the 
charge of violence which he had made was not unfounded. In ref- 
erence to the statement made by Mr. Thompson regarding the num- 
ber of slaves in the United States, at the commencement of the 
Revolution, Mv. B. said, it was impossible to know precisely \\hat 
number there was at that time, as there had been no statistical re- 
turns before 1790, at which time there were six hundred and sixty- 
five thousand slaves in the five original slave states. The exertions 
of the American nation to put an end to slavery were treated with 
ridicule, but he would have them to bear in mind, that there were 
in the United States four hundred thousand ^-ee people of color, all 
of whom, or their progenhors, had been set free by the people of 
America, and not one of these, so far as he knew, had been liber- 
ated by an abolitionist. In addition to these, there were not less 
than four thousand more in Africa, many of whom had been freed 
from fetters and sent to that country. He would ask if all this was 
to be counted as nothing. If they were to consider for a moment 
the enormous sum which it would take to ransom so many slaves, 
they would perceive the value of the sacrifice. They might say that 
they had given ^150,000,000 towards the abolition of slavery. It 
might seem selfish to talk of it thus ; but if the conduct of Great 
Britain, rich and powerful as she was, was not reckoned worthy of 
praise for having done an act of justice, in granting emancipation to 
the West India slaves, at the cost of ,^100,000,000, or £20,000,- 
000, how much more might be said of £30,000,000, being paid by 
a few comparatively joor and scattered conmiunities, and individual 
men. They had been told some fine stories of a mahogany table, 
to which the people of America had tied themselves, and they were 
left to infer that it was quite easy, that it merely required the exer- 
tion of will, for them to set their slaves free. IVow, on this head, 
he would only ask, had he the power of fixing the place of his birth ? 
No. Nor had he any hand in making the laws of the place where 
he was born, nor the power of altering them. They might, indeed, be 
altered and he ought to add, they would have been altered aleady, 
but for the passionate and intemperate zeal of the abolitionists ; but 
for the conduct of those who tell the slaveholders of the Southern 
states, that they must at once give freedom to the slaves, at what- 
ever cost or whatever hazard, and unless they do so, they will be 
denounced on the house-tops, by all the vilest names which language 
can furnish, or the imagination of man cam conceive. And what was 
the answer the planters gave to these disturbers of the public peace ? 



22 

First, coolly, ' there's the door; ' and next, ' if you try to tell these 
things to those, who, when they learn them, will at once turn 
round and cut our throats, we niust take measures to prevent your 
succeeding.' Such conduct was just what was to be expected on 
the part of the slaveholders. They saw these men coming among 
their slaves, and where they could not appeal to their judgments, 
endeavoring to speak to the eyes of the black population by prints, 
representing their masters, harsh and cruel. It was not surprising 
that such unwise conduct should beget a bitter feeling of opposi- 
tion among the inhabitants of the Southern states. They them- 
selves knew too well the critical nature of their position, and the 
dangers of tampering with the passions of the black population. 
Let him who doubted go to the Southern states, and he would 
learn that those harsh laws, in regard to slavery, which had been so 
much condemned, were passed immediately after some of those 
insurrections, those spasmodic efforts of the slaves to free them- 
selves by violence, which could never end in good, and which the 
conduct of the abolitionists was calculated continually to renew. 
They ought to take these things into account when they heard state- 
ments made about the strong excitement against the abolitionists. 
He would repeat what he had before stated, that the cause of 
emancipation had been ruined by that small party with which Mr. 
Thompson had identified himself: but to whose chariot wheels he 
trusted the people of this country would never sufier themselves 
to be bound. 

Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON said, the work he had to do in 
reference to the last speecli was by no means great or difficult. 
They had heard a great many things stated by Mr. Breckinridge 
on the great question in debate, but every one of these had been 
stated a thousand times before, and answered again and again with- 
in the last sixty years. AViihin these very walls they had beard 
many of them brought forward and refuted within the last four 
years. But there was one part of his opponent's speech to which 
he would r^ply with emphasis. And he could not but confess that 
he had listened to that one part of it with surprise. He knew 
Mr. Breckinridge to be the advocate of gradual emancipation ; he(Mr. 
Thompson) had therefore come prepared to hear all the arguments 
employed by the gradualists, urged in the ablest manner, but he 
had not been prepared to hear from that gentleman's lips the things 
he had heard — he did not expect that the foul charge of stirring 
u|) a mob against Mr. Breckinridge for advocating the principles of 
colonization, would be brought against William Lloyd Garrison. 
But they would here see the propriety and utility of his calling 
upon his opponent to leave generalities and come to something 
specific — to lay his finger on a fact which could be examined and 
tested circumstantially. And what did they suppose was the truth 
in the present case ? Simply this, that when Mr. Breckinridge 



23 

came forward to explain the principles of the Maryland coloniza- 
tion scheme, the noisy rabble who sought to mob, did so only so 
long as they were under the impression that he was an abolitionist. 
Mr. B. and his brother, who was along with him on that occasion, 
did their best to let the meeting know that they were not abolitionists 
but colonizationists, and whenever the mob learned that, they be- 
came quiet. This was the fact in regard to that case — he would 
willingly stake the merits of the whole question on the truth of 
what he had just stated, and he would call on Mr. B. to say 
whether it was not true; he would call on him to exhibit the pla- 
card which had been written by Mr. Garrison, or tell what it con- 
tained. He had a copy of the Liberator of the day referred to, 
and he would ask him to point out a single word in it which could 
be found fault with. He would dare Mr. B. to find a single sen- 
tence in that paper calculated to stir up a mob, or to induce any 
one to hurt a single hair of his head. With regard to the Mary- 
land colonziation scheme, he was not going to enter upon its dis- 
cussion at that hour of the evening, but the next evening, if they 
were spared, he would endeavor to show the gross iniquity of that 
scheme, recommended as it was by Mr. Breckinridge. In the 
mean time, to return to the next charge, they were told of an ac- 
tive abolitionist — Elizur Wright. And here he would at once say, 
that it was too bad to bring such a charge against an individual like 
Elizur Wright, than whom he knew no man, either on this or the 
the other side of the Atlantic, whose nature was more imbued with 
the milk of human kindness, or whose heart was more alive to the 
dictates of Christian charity — it was too bad, he repeated, to brinjr. 
such a charge against that man, unless it could be substantiated be- 
yond the possibility of doubt. They were told that Elizur Wiight 
bad stirred up the people of New York to insurrection, by inflam- 
matory placards. Here indeed was a serious charge, but they 
ought to know what these placards were. Again, he would call upon 
Mr. B. to show a copy of the placard, or to say what were its 
contents. In explanation of the matter he might state to the meet- 
ing that there was a little truth in what had been said about this 
matter; and in order to make them understand the case properly, 
they must first know, that in New Yoik there were at all times a 
number of runaway slaves, and also, that there was in the same 
city a class of men, who, at least wore the human form, and who 
were even allowed to appear as gentlemen, whose sole profession 
was that of kidnappers; their only means of subsistence was de- 
rived from laying hold of these unfortunates, and returning them to 
their masters in the South. Nothing was more common than ad- 
vertisements from these gentlemen kidnappers in the newspapers, in 
which they oficrcd their services to any slave master whose slaves 
had run off. All that was necessary was merely that twenty dol- 
lars should be transmitted to them under cover, with the marks of 
the runaway, who was soon found out if iir the city, and with the 



24 

clutch of a demon, seized and dragged to prison. These were 
ihe kidnappers. And who was Ehzur Wright? He was the man 
who at all times was found ready to sympathise with those poor un- 
fortunate outcasts, to pour the balm of consolation into their 
wounds — to come into the Recorder's Court, and stand there to 
plead the cause of the injured African at the risk of his 
life — undeterred by the execrations of the slave-masters, or the 
knife of his myrmidons. And was it a high crime that on some 
occasions he had been mistaken. But Elizur Wright would be 
able to reply to the charge himself. The account of this meeting 
would soon find its way to America, and he would then have an 
opportunity of justifying himself. As to the charge of error in liis 
statistics, on the subject of American Slavery, it was very easily 
set at rest. He had said that the slave population amounted to but 
three hundred thousand, at the date of the Union, and that it was now 
two millions. The latter statement was not questioned, but it was 
said that there were no authentic returns at the date of the Union, 
and consequently, that it was impossible to say precisely. But 
although they could not say exactly, they could come pretty near 
the truth, even from the statement of Mr. Breckinridge. That 
gentleman admitted, that in 1790, there were only six hundred and 
sixty-five thousand slaves in the stntes. He (Mr. T.) had said, 
that in 1776, there were only three hundred thousand; but as the 
population in America doubled itself in twenty-four years, he was 
warranted in saying that there was no great discrepancy. But the 
question with him did not depend upon any particular number or 
any particular date. It would have been quite the same for his 
argument, he contended, whether he had taken six hundred and 
sixty-five thousand in 1790, or three hundred thousand in 1776. 
All that he had wished to show, was the rapid increase of the 
slave population, and consequently, of the vice and misery inher- 
ent in that system, even while the American people professed 
themselves to be so anxious to put an end to it altogether. Had he 
wished to dwell on this part of the argument, he could also have 
.shown, that the increase of the slave population during the first 
twenty years of the Union, had gone on more rapidly even during 
that time, the trade in slaves having been formally recognised by 
the Constitution during that period, anrl a duty of $10 imposed 
on every slave inqiortod into the United States. The following 
v^-as the clause from the Constitution: 

Sec. JX. The migration or iiiipoilatiim of siuh persons ;is any of llie states now ex- 
i-^ting sliall think prop(;i- to a linit, shall not be prohiliiteil prior to the year 180S, but a tax 
vv duly may be inipo.-'cd on such importation, not exceeding ijf 10 for each person. 

To sum up Mr. Breckinridge's last address, what, he would ask, 
had been its whole aim.'' Clearly, that they should consider the 
abolitionists as the chief promoters of all the riots that had taken 
place in America on this question, by making inflammatory appeals 
to the passions of the people. He would call upon Mr. Brcckin- 



25 

ridge again, to lay his hand on a single proof of this. He would 
call upon him to point out a single instance where language had 
been used which was in any degree calculated to call up the blood- 
thirsty passions of the mob as had been represented. If the plant- 
ers of the South were roused into fury by the declaration of anti- 
slavery sentiments — if they were unable to hear the everlasting 
truths which it promulgated, was that a sufficient reason for those 
to keep silent who felt it to be their duty, at all hazards, to make 
known these truths. Or were they to be charged with raising mobs, 
because the people were enraged to hear these truths. As well 
might Paul of Tarsus have been charged with the mobs which rose 
against his life, and that of his fellow-apostles. As well might Gal- 
ileo be charged with those persecutions which immured him in a 
dungeon. As well might the apostles of truth in every age be 
charged with the terrible results which ensued from the struggle of 
light and darkness. In conclusion, Mr. Thompson said, that on 
the following evening, he would take up the question of the Mary- 
land colonization scheme. 

Dr. WARDLAW announced to the meeting that the discus- 
sion closed for the evening. In doing so he complimented the au- 
dience on the very correct manner in which they had observed the 
rule regarding all manifestation of applause. The attention and 
interest of the audience were much excited throughout the whole 
proceedings, indeed, at few meetings have we observed so lively 
an interest taken in the entire business of an evening, and yet 
there was not a single instance in which the interference of the 
chairman was required. On several occasions the rising expres- 
sion of applause was at once checked by the general good sense 
of the meeting. 

4 



SECOND NIGHT— TUESDAY, JUNE 14. 

Mr. THOMPSON, before proceeding with the discusssion, 
would make one or two preliminary observations. Last evening 
he had been led into an error, as regarded both number and time, 
in speaking of the amount of slaves in America at the adoption of 
the Constitution,' and lie was anxious that every statement made 
by him should be without a flaw; and if there should be an error 
committed he would be the first person to admit and correct it 
when discovered. He stated that at the adoption of the Ameri- 
can Constitution, there were only about three hundred thousand 
slaves in the United States. There were not many more in 1776, 
when the stales declared themselves independent: in 1788 when 
the Constitution was settled there were more; and in 1790, there 
were between six and seven hundred thousand slaves in the Unit- 
ed States of America. His error consisted in his subtracting 
1776 from 1790, and saying twenty-four years instead of fourteen. 
He mentioned this error to show that he held a regard to truth to 
be the ultimate end of their discussion. There was one other 
preliminary remark. His antagonist had repeatedly said that 
George Thompson had published himself a martyr. George 
Thompson never did publish himself a martyr. Mr. Breckin- 
ridge, in the course of his speeches last night, had said more of 
himself than he (Mr. T.) had ever done during all the speeches he 
had ever made on the question. He had only referred to himself 
when urgently requested to give an account of his personal experi- 
ence. He r.ever had a wish to be considered a martyr. If, 
when he had finished his course here; if, when this probationary 
scene was over, he was found to have done his duty, lie would be 
fully saiisfied. He was not pharasaicid enough to imagine that he 
had performed any works of supererogation. Mr. Breckinridge 
had said this was not a national (jucsiion; that slavery in America 
was not American Slavery; that it was not a national evil; that it 
was not a national sin; that is was merely a question between 
the Slate Legislatures and the slave owners. He (Mr. T.) had 
said last night, that slavery in America was a national sin, and 
he would now adduce the reasons for his statement: — First — The 
American people had admitted the slave states into the Union; and 
by consenting to admit these states into the confederacy, although 



27 

there were in them hundreds of thousands in a state of slavery, 
they took the slaves under the government of the United States, 
and made the sin national. Second — For twenty years after the 
adoption of their Constitution, and by virtue of that very instru- 
ment, the United States permitted the horrid, unchristian, diabol- 
ical African slave-trade. Third — Than the Capital of the United 
States of America there was not one spot in the whole world which 
was more defiled by slavery; and considering the professions and 
privileges of the people, there was not a more anti-christian traffic 
on the face of the earth. Fourth — each of the states is bound by 
the Constitution to give up all run-away slaves; so that the poor, 
wretched, tortured slave might be pursued from Baltimore to 
Pennsylvania, from thence to New Jersey and New York, and 
dragged even from the confines of Canada, a fugitive and a felon, 
back into the slavery from which he had fled. He might be taken 
from the Capitol; from the very horns of the altar, to be subject- 
ed by a cruel kidnapper to the most horrid of human sufferings. 
It is not a national question ! When the North violates the law of 
God — when it tramples on the Decalogue — when it defies Jeho- 
vah ! what was a stronger injunction in the law of Moses than that 
the Israelites should protect the run-away slave? But in America 
every state was bound by law to give up the slave to his slave-mas- 
ter, to his ruthless pursuer ; and yet it must not be called a national 
question ! Fifth — The citizens of the free states were bound to go 
South to put down any insurrection among the slaves. They were 
bound and pledged to do this when required. The youth of Penn- 
sylvania had pledged themselves to go to the Southern states to an- 
nihilate the blacks in case they asserted their rights — the rights of 
every human being — to be free. So also was it in New York, and 
in the other free states, and yet we are to be told that slavery is not 
a national question. The whole Union was bound to crush the 
slave, who, standing on the ashes of Washington said, he ought to 
be, and would be free. Yes, Northern bayonets would give that 
slave a speedy manumission from his galling yoke, by sending him 
in his gore, where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary 
are at rest. Yet it is not a national question ! Sixth — The North 
is taxed to keep up troops in the South to overawe and terrify the 
slave ; and yet it is not a national question I Seventh — Mr. Breck- 
inridge has shown in a letter published by him, that the Congress 
has the power to put an end to the international slave trade, and yet 
this trade goes on in America. Mr. B. well knows that at least one 
hundred thousand human beings — slaves — change hands annually ; 
he must have seen the slaves driven in cofiles through his own be- 
loved state, to be sold like cattle at Washington and Alexandria; he 
knows that thousands of Virginia and Maryland slaves are sold at 
New Orleans yearly, and yet he tells us that slavery is not a na- 
tional question ! Eighth — How did they admit Missouri into the 
Union with slaves ? Were they Southern votes which admitted it ? 



28 

No ! But they were the votes of recreant New Englanders — false 
to the principles of freedom, who sold the honor of their country, 
and with it the liberty of thousands of human beings in Missouri — or 
at least consented to their bondage. And yet it is not a national 
question ! He (Mr. T.) would last refer to the remarks of a con- 
stitutional lawyer, who was able, eloquent, sincere, and high mind- 
ed. Mr. T. then read the following extract : — 

Such thoughts (referring to the judgments to be expected) habitually crowd upon me 
when I contemplate those great personal and NATIONAL evils, from which the systena 
of operations (vi«., the movements of the Colonization Society) which 1 stand here to ad- 
vocate, seems to offer us some prospect of deliverance. 

From that day (1698) till the present, there have flourished in our country, men 
of large and just views, who have not ceased to pour over this subject a stream of clear 
and noble truth, and to importune their country, by every motive of duty and advantage, 
to wipe from her escutcheon, the stain of human tears. 

It is generally known, that the original members of the American Colonization Society 
anticipated, that, at some future period, the General Government, and some, if not all the 
State Governments, would co-operate in their exertions for the removal of an evil which 
was obviously NATIONAL in all its aspects. 

Now who was the writer from whom he had quoted ? — His friend 
Mr. Breckinridge. This was his final reason. If Mr. Breckin- 
ridge's argument survived these reasons, it would have a life like 
that of a cat, which is said to have nine lives ; for they were nine 
fatal thrusts at his position, that slavery in America was not Ameri- 
can slavery. Mr. B. admits the existence of slavery, but lays no 
blame either in this quarter or in that ; he does not lay it on the 
states, nor on the General Government. Slavery does exist in 
America, but — interminably ; but, but — coming as these huts did 
from a temperance country, he wondered much that they had es- 
caped being staved. Slavery exists in America, but it is not a na- 
tional question ! There are upwards of two millions and a half of 
slaves in the United States of America, and of these, at least one 
hundred thousand changed hands annually, thus sundering, without 
remorse, the tenderest ties of human nature ; at whose door, then, 
lay the guilt of this sin? To whom were the people of this 
country to address their warnings — over whose transgressions were 
they to mourn — whose hearts were they to endeavor to humanize 
and mollify — where were the responsible and guilty parties to be 
found — how are we to get access to their consciences on behalf of 
the slave ? Mr. Breckinridge says the system is one of ' clear 
robbery,' ' universal concubinage,' — ' unmitigated wickedness ' — 
and yet it is not to be immediately abolished ! If it be clear rob- 
bery — if it be universal concubinage — if it be unmitigated wicked- 
ness — let the horrid system immediately, and totally, and eter- 
nally cease — a worse system it was impossible to have if these were 
the evils it entailed. Mr. B. triumphantly makes out my case for 
immediate and complete emancipation. The duty is plain and 
indispensable. Mr. Breckinridge says the abolitionists are the most 
despicable and odious men on the face of the earth. Those who 
love liberty are always odious in the eyes of tyrants. The lovers 



29 

of things as they are, of corruption of despotism — men who look 
at every thing from beneath the aprons of their grandmothers, in- 
variably regard as insufferably odious all who are lovers of refor- 
mation and liberty. This always has been, and always will be the 
case. As it was said in the service of the church of England, it 
might be said on this subject, ' As it was in the beginning, is now, 
and ever shall be ' if not 'world without end,' at least to the end of 
this world. On the 6th day of January, 1831, Mr. Breckinridge 
delivered in Frankfort, Kentucky, an able address in favor of the 
Colonization Society. In that address, Mr. B. stated that the So- 
ciety was established on the 21st day of Dec. 1816, and was of 
course, at the time of his speech, fourteen years and sixteen days 
old. Mr. Breckinridge said the legislatures of eleven states of the 
Union had recommended this Society to Congress ; that the eccle- 
siastical tribunals of all the leading sects of Christians in America 
had testified their approbation of its principles ; and yet there were, 
after fourteen years and sixteen days, with all this support and high 
patronage in church and state only one hundred and sixty auxiliary 
societies existing throughout the tjnion. Now, as to the contempt- 
ible and odious abolitionists ! as they were called by the gentleman 
who differed from him. The National Society for the immediate 
abolition of American slavery, was formed on the 6th of Dec. 1833; 
and on the 12th of May, 1835, when the anniversary was held — 
without being recommended to Congress by any of the state legis- 
latures — without a testimony of approbation from any of the eccle- 
siastical tribunals — being only one year and six months old — how 
many auxiliary societies were connected with this abolition organi- 
zation ? Two hundred and twenty-four. That was the number 
then on the books of the Society ; and the Secretary said the 
whole of them were not inserted from the want of proper returns. 
In a letter addressed to him (Mr. T.) by the Secretary of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society, dated New York, 31st March, 
1836, were the following words : — 

Never were societies forming in all parts of our country with greater rapidity. At this 
moment we have four hundred and fifty on our list, and doubtless, there are five hundred 
in existence. We have at this time eleven agents in the field, all good men and true, and 
all fast gaining converts. 

And yet the abolitionists are a handful ! The one society in four- 
teen years and sixteen days, having one hundred and sixty auxili- 
aries ; the other in two years and three months, having, without the 
support of state legislatures, or of ecclesiastical tribunals, not fewer 
than five hundred ; and yet the abolitionists are a handful. He 
(Mr. T.) held in his hand a list of delegates to the New England 
Convention which was held in the city of Boston, on the 25th of 
May, 1835. In that list he found two hundred and eighty-one gen- 
tlemen, who,at their own expense, had come froiTi all parts of New 
-England, to attend that Convention. On the 27th May, it was 
stated that the Massachusetts Society were in want of funds, and a 



30 

committee was appointed to collect subscriptions. That committee 
in less than an hour obtained ,^1,800, and on the following day. 
^4,000, for the American Society. In New York, at the anni- 
versary, there had been collected |) 14, 500 — and yet the abolition- 
ists were a handful. The American Society at its anniversary, had 
collected a larger sum than was collected by all the other societies 
together, during the week set apart for the purpose ; and in Boston, 
,$'6,000 had been collected in two days ; whilst in two months, a 
friend of Mr. B's, viz. Mr. Gurley, had only been able to collect, 
in the same city, about ,^600 for the Colonization Society. By their 
fruits shall ye know them ; do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs 
of thistles ? You may send to New England any foreigner you 
please — but he must show his cause to be sound and practicable 
before he can draw a dollar or a cent from a New Englander, who 
gets his bread by early rising, and laborious attention to business — 
yet ^6,000 were collected in two days. But the abolitionists are 
a mere handful! Yes — they may be a handful, but they are most 
precious and multyplying seed. Mr. B. said that many of the 
slave-owners were doing all they could for the emancipation of the 
slaves ; whether they were doing any thing or nothing, we find 
New Englanders had endeavored to retrieve the honor of their coun- 
try, by a subscription for emancipation of ^6,000 in two days — 
and yet it was said, they were an odious handful ! When he saw 
the Colonization Society like a Juggernaut, endeavoring to crush 
the bodies and spirits of colored men and colored women, he would 
league himself with the despised and 'odious handful,' and labor 
with them, and for them, till, by the blessing of God, on their ex- 
ertions, tlie slaves were elevated to the condition and dignity of in- 
telligent and intellectual beings. Mr. T. would give another proof 
that the abolitionists were a handful of most odious creatures. He 
would refer to the New York Convention. Mr. B. knows well 
that the pro-slavery prints pointed forward to the New York Con- 
vention in October last, as likely to be a scene of blood. Not ren- 
dered so by the abolitionists, for they were men of peace, but by 
the fury of their opponents. Notwithstanding, there were six hun- 
dred delegates assembled in Utica, at 9 o'clock, on the first day ; and 
when they were driven from that city by a mob, headed by the Hon. 
Mr. lieanisley, member of Congress, and by the Hon. Mr. Hay- 
den, Judge of the county — and the greater part of them went 
to Peterborough, these six hundred were joined by other four 
hundred, making one thousand delegates, for one state — and yet 
they were a mere handfid. He would next refer to the Rhode 
Island Convention, at which, though held in the smallest State in 
the Union — in the depth of winter — and at a time when many of 
the roads were impassible through a heavy fall of snow, four 
hundred delegates attended, and ^2.000 were collected — but yet 
the abolitionists were a mere handful ! Gerrit Smith had said that 
there was an accession to the anti-slavery societies, in the State of 
New York alone, of five hundred weekly, among whom he says, 



there is not known one Intemperate or profane person ; — fire hun- 
dred weekly added to one state society — yet they are a mere hand- 
ful ! If they go on increasing at this rate in New York, Ohio^ 
Pennsylvania, and throughout New England, they will not long he 
a small handful ! Besides, many of those who were formerly or> 
the side of colonization, have now come over to the ranks of the 
abolitionists. Where are now the Smiths, and Birneys, and Jays, 
and Coxs, that once were the eloquent and munificent advocates 
and patrons of the Colonization Society ? They are now, with all 
their souls and energies, on the side of immediate abolition. Nor 
these alone. He might — he ought to name such men as President 
Green, and Professors Wright, Bush, Follen, Smyth, and Gregg. 
He ought to speak of a Leavitt in New York, a Kirk in Albany, a 
Beman in Troy, a Weld in Ohio, a Garrison in New England; and' 
of a Mrs. Child, a Mrs. Chapman, a John G. Whittier, a May, a 
Dickinson, a Phelps, a Goodell, a Bourne, a Lundy, a Loring, a 
Sevvall, and a host of others. All these men esteemed it their 
joy and honor to be amongst the most odious of the contemptible 
handful referred to. These were men of mind, of piety, of influ- 
ence, of energy j men not to be deterred from doing their duty by 
the harsh music of the birds of ill omen, from the Upas Tree of 
Slavery, who sent forth their croakings, by night and by day, to 
scare the nation from its indispensable work of Justice and Truth 
— and yet these men are odious and contemptible ! Your agent, 
too, is contemptible — he was the agent of the 'goodies ' of Glas- 
gow — and — his fair auditors could scarcely believe what epithets 
were lavishly bestowed on him and them — yet their agent, as con- 
temptible as he was, was, perhaps, the only Englishman, who had 
ever been honored as he had been by the President of the United 
States of America. He who was so contemptible in the eyes of 
the Americans — who was a most impetuous, and untameable, and 
worthless animal — who was the representative of the ' goodies ' and 
superannuated maids and matrons of Glasgow — was honored by a 
notice and a rebuke in the message to Congress of the President of 
the United States ! This looked much like being insignificant and 
contemptible ! He did not seek the honor which had been thus 
conferred upon him — it came upon him unaware — but he had not 
therefore refused it. It was an honor to be persecuted in the 
United States with the abolitionists of 1830. And when their 
children, and their children's children looked back upon these per- 
secutions, they would exult and be proud to say they were the sons, 
the grandsons, or the great grandsons of the Coxs, the Jays, the 
Garrisons, the Tappans, and the Thompsons of England and 
America, After alluding to the treatment he had experienced from 
the New York Courier and Enquirer, Mr. T. said — let us bear these 
honors meekly — when calumniated for truth's sake, let us be hum- 
ble, while we are joyful. One word more as to the odious handful. 
Seven-eights of the Methodist Episcopal ministers in the New 



32 

Hampshire Conference, and seven-eights of the New England Con- 
ference were abolitionists. The students of the colleges and insti- 
tutions, academical and theological of the country, known by the 
names of Lane Seminary, Oberlin Institute, Western Reserve 
College, Oneida Institute, Waterville College, Brunswick College, 
Amherst College, and the Seminaries of Andover, were many of 
them in some, and all of them in others, abolitionists ; and yet, 
when all these societies, and ministers, and men of learning, and 
students were put together, they were, in their aggregate capacity, 
but an odious and most contemptible handful ! He would now pro- 
ceed to speak of the Maryland scheme — a scheme of obvious 
wickedness. When Mr. B. came to Boston to advocate that scheme, 
he says a placard was published, calling on the rabble to mob him. 
This placard he attributes to Mr. Garrison and the abolitionists, as 
he says it was of the same size and appearance as the type and 
columns of the Liberator newspaper, and that therefore Mr. Gar- 
rison was the publisher. This he (Mr. T.) most pointedly, and 
distinctly, and solenmly denied, and challenged Mr. B. to the proof. 
Did Mr. B. show the placard ? No. Did he demonstrate its iden- 
tity with Mr. Garrison's paper ? No. He had not done so. To 
make Mr. Garrison the author or publisher of such a placard, was 
to publish him a coward and a villain ; for he who could point out 
any man, still more a Christian minister, to the fury of a mob, was 
a moral monster, a coward, and a villain. He called on Mr. B. by 
bis regard for truth and justice, and his reputation as a minister of 
Christ, to adduce the proofs necessary to sustain so grave an accu- 
sation, and he (Mr. T.) pledged himself to cast oif the dearest 
friend he had, if a crime so base could be fixed on him. To re- 
turn to the Maryland scheme. In the month of July or August, 
1834, Boston was visited by his respected opponent, his brother, 
Dr. J. Breckinridge, and an agent of the Maryland Colonization 
Society, and a meeting was convened to enable those gentlemen to 
set forth and recommend the scheme of that Society, in aid of 
which the legislature of Maryland had made an appropriation of 
^200,000. He (Mr. T.) was fully prepared to show, that the ob- 
ject of the Society was to get rid of the free colored population, 
and that according to their design the state legislature had, in imme- 
diate connection with the grant of money, passed most rigorous and 
cruel laws. The Colonization Society was the net cast for the colored 
people — the laws of the state were the means devised to drive the 
devoted victims into its meshes. This was called helping them out 
of the country with their free consent. He (Mr. T.) would bring 
forward abundant proofs when he next addressed them — he would 
then read the laws which he could not now produce for want of 
time. Mr. Breckinridge might or might not notice these general 
charges against the Maryland scheme ; but lie (Mr. T.) would 
hereafter fully support them, and show, too, that the National Col- 
onization Society was equally culpable, having at its ensuing annual 



33 

nieeling fully approved of the plan, and recommended it as a bright 
example for the imitation of otlier states. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE then rose. He had last night under- 
stood Mr. Thompson to say, tliat this evening he would take up 
and expose the colonization scheme. It was possible that he had 
been wrong in this ; but such was certainly the impression made 
upon his mind. Instead ofadopting such a course, however. Mr.Thomj;- 
pson had treated them to a second edition of his last night's speech 
the only difference being that the one they had just heard was more 
elaborate. If they were to be called on to hear all Mr. Thomp- 
son's speeches twice, it would be a considerable time before they 
finished the discussion. He congratulated Mr. Thompson on his 
second edition, being in some respects an improvement, on his first. 
It was certainly better arranged. In the observations he was about 
to make, he would follow the course of the argument exhibited in 
Mr. Thon)pson's two s|)eeches ; but he, at the same time, wished 
it to be understood iliat he would not be cast out of the line of dis- 
cussion every night in the same manner. As to what had been said 
about the ' handful,' he did not think it necessary to say much. He 
would simply remind Mr. T., that however great or however small 
the ' handful ' might be, one pervading evil might pollute it all. A 
dead fly could cause the ointment of the apothecary to stink. But 
to come to the point. Mr. Thompson had said that the question 
was national as it respected America, because slaveholding states 
had been admitted into the confederacy. The simple fact of these 
states having been admitted members of the Union, was, in Mr. 
Thompson's estimation, proof sufficient, not only that slavery was 
chargeable on the whole nation, but that there had been a positive 
predilection among the American people in favor of slavery. In 
clearing up this point, a little chronological knowledge would help 
us. He would therefore call the attention of the audience to the 
real state of matters when the confederacy was established. At 
that period, Massachusetts was the only State in which slavery had 
been abolished ; and even in Massnchusetts its formal abolition was 
not effected till some time after. For in that State it came to an 
end in consequence of a clause inserted in the Constitution itself — 
tantamount to the one in our Declaration of Independence, that 
freedom is a natural and inalienable right. Successive judicial de- 
cisions, upon this clause, without any special legislation, had abol- 
ished slavery there ; so that the exact period of its actual termina- 
tion is not easily definable. This recalls another point on which 
Mr. Thompson would have been the better of possessing a little 
chronological information. He had repeatedly stated that the 
American Constitution was founded on the principle, that all men 
are created free and equal. Now, this was not so. The principle 
was no doubt, a just one ; it was asserted most fully by the Con- 
tinental Congress of 1776, and might be said to form the basis of 
5 



34 

out" Declaration of Independence. But it was not contained in the 
American Constitution, which was formed twelve years afterwards. 
That Constitution was formed in accordance with the circumstan- 
ces in which the different states were placed. Its chief object was 
to guard against external injury, and regulate external affairs ; it 
interfered as little as possible with the internal regulations of each 
state. The American was a federative system of government ; twen- 
ty-four distinct republics were united for certain purposes, and for 
these alone. So far was the naiional government from possessing 
unHmited powers, that the Constitution itself was but a very par- 
tial grant of those, which, in their omnipotence, resided, according 
to our theory, only in the people themselves in their primary as- 
semblies. It had been specially agreed in the Constitution itself, 
that the powers not delegated should be as expressly reserved, as 
if excepted by name ; and, amongst the chief subjects, exclusively 
interior, and not delegated, and so reserved, is slavery. Had this not 
been the case, the confederacy could not have been formed. It had 
been said that the American Constitution had not only tolerated 
slavery, but that it had actualy guaranteed the slave-trade for twen- 
ty years. Nothing could be more uncandid than this statement. 
Never had facts been more perverted. One of the causes of the 
American Revolution had been the refusal of the British King to 
sanction certain arrangements on which some of the states wished 
to enter, for the abolition of the slave-trade. At the formation of 
the Federal Constitution, while slavery was excluded from the con- 
trol of Congress, as a purely state affair, the slave trade was deem- 
ed a fit subject, by the majority, for the executors of national 
power, as being an exterior affair. And at a period prior to the 
very commencement of that great plan of individual effort, guided 
by Wilberforce and Clarkson, in Britain ; and which required twen- 
ty years to rouse the conscience of this nation — our distant, and 
now traduced fathers, had already made up their minds, that this 
horrid traffic, which they found not only existing, but encouraged by 
the whole power of the King, should be abolished. It was grant- 
ed, perhaps too readily to the claims of those who thought, (as 
nearly the whole world thought) that twenty years should be the 
limit of the trade ; and at the end of that period it was instantly 
prohibited, as a matter course, and by unanimous consent. Mow 
unjust then was it to charge on America, as a crime, what was one 
of the brightest virtues in her escutcheon. Mr. Thompson had 
next asserted, that slavery of the most horrid description existed in 
the Capital of America, and in the surrounding District, subject to 
the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress. lie (iNlr. Breckinridge) 
did not hesitate to deny this. It was not true. Slavery did exist 
there ; but it was not of the horrible character which had been re- 
presented. It was well known that the slavery existing in the 
United States was the mildest to be seen in any country under Heaven. 
Nothing but the most profound ignorance could lead any one to as- 



35 

sert the contrary. Mr. Thompson had a colleague in his recent 
exhibitions in London, who seemed to have taken interludes in all 
Mr. T's speeches. In one of these, that colleague had said, he 
knew of his own knowledge a case, in which a man had given ^'500 
for a slave, in order to burn him alive ' Mr. Thompson, no doubt 
knew, that even on the supposition that such a monster was to be 
found, he was liable in every part of the United States, to be hang- 
ed as any other murderer. Slavery was bad enough anywhere ; 
but to say that it was more unmitigated in America than in the 
West Indies, where emigration had always been necessary to keep 
up the numbers, while in America, the slave population increased 
faster than any part of the human race, was a gross exaggeration, or 
a proof of the profoundest ignorance. To say that the slavery of 
the District of Columbia was the most horrid that ever existed, 
when it, along with the whole of the slavery on that continent, was 
so hedged about by human laws, that in every one of the states 
cruelty to the slave was punished as an offence against the state ; 
the killing of a slave was punished every where with death ; while 
in all ages, and nearly in all countries where slavery has existed be- 
sides, the master was not only the exclusive judge of the treatment 
of his slave, but the abosolute disposer of his life, which he could 
take away at will ; these statements can proceed only from unpar- 
donable ignorance, or a purpose to mislead. As to the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, there might, at first sight, ap- 
pear to be some grounds of accusation ; but yet, when the subject 
was considered in all its bearings, so many pregnant, if not conclusive, 
reasons presented themselves against interferejice, that though much 
attention had been bestowed upon it for many years, the result had 
been that nothing was done. It was to be recollected that the whole 
District of Columbia was only ten miles square ; and that it was 
surrounded by states in which slavery was still legalized. It was 
thus clear, that though slavery were abolished in Columbia, not an 
individual of the six thousand slaves now within its bounds, would 
necessarily be relieved of his fetters. Were an abolition bill to pass 
the House of Representatives to-day, the whole six thousand could 
be removed to a neighboring slave state before it could be taken up 
in the Senate to-morrow. It was, therefore, worse than idle to say 
so much on what could never be a practical question. Again ; the 
District of Columbia had been ceded to the General Government 
by Maryland and Virginia, both slaveholding states, for national 
purposes ; but this would never have been done had it been con- 
templated that Congress would abolish slavery within its bounds, 
and thus establish a nucleus of anti-slavery agitation in the heart of 
their territory. The exercise of such a power, therefore, on the 
part of Congress, could be viewed in no other light than as a gross 
fraud on those two states. It should never be forgotten that slavery 
can be abolished in any part of America only by the persuasive 
power of truth voluntarily submitted to the slaveholders them- 



36 

selves. And though much is said in tliat country, and still more 
here, about the criminality of the Northern States in not declaring 
that they would not aid in the suppression of a servile war — such 
declamation is worse than idle. But there is a frightful meaning in 
this unmeasured abuse heaped by Mr. Thompson on the people of 
the free states, for their expressions of devotion to the Union and 
the Constitution, and their determination to aid, if necessary, in sup- 
pressing by force — all force used by, or on behalf of the slaves. Is 
it then true, that Mr. Thompson and his American friends, did con- 
template a servile war? If not, why denounce the North for say- 
ing it should be suppressed? Were the people of America right 
when they charged liim and his co-workers with stirring up insurrec- 
tion ? If not, why lavish every epithet of contempt and abhorrence 
upon those who have declared their readiness to put a stop to the 
indiscriminate slaughter and pillage of a region as large as Western 
Europe? Such speeches as that I have this night heard go far to 
warrjint all that has ever been said against this individual in Amer- 
ica, and to excuse those who considered him a general disturber of 
their peace, and were disposed to proceed against him accordingly. 
It was, however, the opinion of many that Congress had no power 
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Mr. B. said his 
opionion was different ; yet it must be admitted that the obstacles 
to the exercise of this power were of the most serious kind, and 
such as, to a candid mind, would free those wlio hesitated, from the 
charge of being pro-slavery men. Perhaps the great reason against 
the exercise of that power, even if its existence in Congress were 
clear, was, that it would inevitably produce a dissolution of the 
Union. When he spoke of the free states bringing about the abo- 
lition of slavery in the South, he was to be understood as meaning 
that these states, in accordance with what had been so often hinted 
at, should march to the South with arms in their hands, and declare 
the slaves free. Now, even supposing that the people of the North 
had no regard for the peace of their country — that they were pc- 
fectly indifferent to the glory, the power, and the happiness result- 
ing from the Federal Union — was it certain, that by adopting such 
a course, they would really advance the welfare of the slave ? Every 
candid man would at once see that the condition of the slave popu- 
lation would be made more hopeless than ever by it. The fourth 
proof brought forward by Mr. Thompson, in support of his propo- 
sition that America was chargeable, in a national point of view, with 
the guilt of slavery, was the fact that the different states were bound 
to restore all run-away slaves. But this was a regulation which appli- 
ed to the case of all servants who leave their masters in an impro- 
per manner. Apprentices, children, even wives^ if it might be 
supposed that a wife would ever leave her husband, were to be re- 
stored as well as the slaves. Were this not provided, the different 
states would fornj to each other the most horrible neighborhood that 
could be imagined. No state is expected to say, that any man is of 



37 

riglit or should be ' held to service ' of any kind, in another state ; 
for such are the words of the Constitution, But the purely inter- 
nal arrangements of each state, must necessarily be respected by 
all the others ; or eternal border wars must be the result. In the 
re-delivery of a run-away slave, or apprentice, therefore, the court 
of the one state is only required to say what are the law, and the 
fact of the other state from which the claimant comes, and to de- 
cide accordingly. And when Mr. T. says that this proceeding is not 
only contrary to the spirit of the gospel, but to the express com- 
mand of God under the Jewish dispensation, I need only to defend 
the practice, by questioning his biblical capacties, and referring for 
explanation to bis second printed speech before the Glasgow Eman- 
cipation Society. In that, he states a fictitious case as regards Ire- 
land — resembling remarkably the case recorded in holy writ, of 
Egypt under the government of Joseph ; and wliile all men have 
thought that Joseph came from God, and was peculiarly approved 
of him — Mr. T. has represented, that he who should do in Ireland, 
very much what Joseph did in Egypt, could be considered as com- 
ing only ' from America, or from the bottomless pit I ! ! ' As long as 
the Holy Ghost gives men reason to consider certain principles right, 
they may be well content to abide under the wrath of Mr. Thomp- 
son. Mr. Thompson said, in the fifth place, that slavery was a 
national crime, because the states were all bound to assist each 
other, in suppressing internal insurrection. To this he would an- 
swer, that as it regarded the duty of the nation to the several states, 
there were two, and but two great guarantees — namely, the preser- 
vation of internal peace, and the upholding of republican institu- 
tions, tranquillity, and republicanism. Carolina was as much bound 
to assist Rhode Island as Rhode Island was to assist Carolina. All 
were mutually bound to each ; and if things went on as of late, the 
South were as likely to be called on to suppress mobs at the North, 
as the North to suppress insurrection at the South. It was next 
advancea by Mr. T. that the people of the North were taxed for 
the suppoit of slavery. Now, the fact was, that America present- 
ed the extraordinary spectacle of a nation free of taxes altogether ; 
free of debt, with an overflowing Treasury, with so much moi>ey, 
indeed, that they did not well know what to do with it. It was 
almost needless to explain that the American revenue was at pres- 
ent and had been for many years past, derived solely from the sale 
of public lands, and from the customs or duties levied on imported 
article? of various kinds. The payment of these duties was en- 
tirely a voluntary tax, as in order to avoid it, it was only necessary to 
refrain from the use of articles on which they were imposed. As for 
Mr.T's argument about the standing army , employed in keeping down 
the slaves, its value might be judged from the fact, that, though even 
according to Mr. T's own showing, the slave population amounted 
to two and a half millions, the army was composed of only six 
thousand men, scattered along three frontiers, extending two thou- 



38 

sand miles each. Throughout the whole slav^holding states there 
Avere not probably fifteen hundred soldiers. The charge was, in 
fact, complete humbug, founded upon just nothing at all. Mr. 
Thompson's seventli charge was, that Congress refused to suppress 
the internal slave-trade. This was easily answered. There was in 
America not one individual among five hundred who believed that 
Congress had the power to do so. And, although he (Mr. B.) be- 
lieved that Congress had power to prevent the migration of slaves 
from slate to state, as fully as they had to prevent the importation 
of them into the states from foreign countries ; and that the exer- 
cise of this power, would prevent, in a great degree, the trade in 
slaves from state to state, yet very few concurred with him even in 
this modified view of the case. And it must be admitted that the 
excercise of such a power, if it really exists, would be attended 
with such results of unmixed evil at this time, that no one whatever 
would deem it proper to attempt, or possible to enforce its exercise. 
It was next said, that as Missouri, a slaveholding state, had been 
admitted into the Union after the full consideration of the subject 
by Congress, therefore the nation had become identified with slave- 
ry, and responsible for its existence, at least in Missouri. But on 
the supposition that, before receiving Missouri as a member of the 
confederacy, it had been demanded of her that she should abolish 
slavery; and supposing Missouri had acceded to the terms propos- 
ed, that she had really given her slaves freedom, and been added to 
the Federal Union in consequence: suppose Missouri had done all 
this ; what was there to prevent her from re-establishing slavery so 
soon as the end she sought was gained. No power was possessed 
by the other states in the matter, and all that could have been said 
was, that Missouri had acted with bad faith — that she had broken a 
condition precedent — that she had given just cause of war. Ac- 
cording to the most latitudinarian notions, this was the extent of the 
remedy in the hands of Congress. But Mr. Thompson, being a 
holder of peace principles — if we may judge by his published 
speeches — must admit it to be as really a sin to kill, as to enslave 
men ; so that, in his own showing, this argument amounts to noth- 
ing. But when it is considered that every state in t/ie American 
Union has the recognized right to alter its Constitution, when, and 
how it may think fit, saving only that it be repubL'can ; it is most 
manifest that Congress and the other states have, and could have 
in no case, any more power or right to prevent Missouri's continuing, 
or creating slavery, than they had to prevent Massachusetts from 
abolishing it. But, if we were to stand upon the mere rights of 
war, he (Mr. B.) did not know but that America had just cause of 
war against Britain, according to the received notions on that sub- 
ject, in the speeches delivered by Mr. Thompson under the- conniv- 
ance of the authorities here. i3ut the causes of war were very 
different in the opinions of men, and in the eye of God. If Mr. 
Thompson was right in condemning America for the guilt of Mis- 



3d 

Souri, then they should go to war at once and settle the question. 
But, if they were not ready for this conclusion, they could do noth-- 
ing. In the edition of Mr. Thompson's speech v\liich had been 
deli'/ered on the preceding evening, an argument had been adduced 
which was omitted in the present. The argument to which he re- 
ferred, was concerning the right of the slaves to be represented. A 
slight consideration of the subject might have shown that the whole 
power over the subject of citizenship in each state, was exclusive 
in the state itself, and was differently regulated in different states. 
In some, the elective franchise was given to all who had attained 
the age of twenty-one. In some, it was made to depend on the 
possession of personal property; and in others, of real property .- 
That in the Southern states, the power of voting should be given 
to the masters, and not to the slaves, was not calculated to excite sur- 
prise in Britain, where such a large proportion of tlie population, and 
that in a number of instances composed of men of high intelligence, 
were not entitled to the elective franchise. The origin of this 
arrangement, like many others involved in our social system, was a 
compromise of apparently conflicting interests in the states which 
were engaged in forming the Federal Constitution. The identity 
of taxation and representation, was the grand idea on which the na- 
tion went into the war of independence. When it was agreed that 
all wh'.te citizens, and three-fifths of all other persons, as the 
Constitution expresses it, should be represented, it followed of 
course, that they should be subject to taxation. Or, if it were first 
agreed that they should be taxed, it followed as certainly they should 
be represented. Who should actually cast the votes, was, of ne- 
cessity, left to be determined by tlie states themselves, and as has 
been said, was variously determined ; many permitting free negroes. 
Indians, and mulattos, who are all embraced, as well as slaves, to 
vote. That three-fifths, instead of any other part, or the whole 
should be agreed on, was, no doubt, the result of reasons which 
appeared conclusive to the wise and benevolent men who made the 
Constitution ; but I am not able to tell what they were. It must,, 
however, be very clear, that to accuse my country, in one breath, for 
treating the negroes, bond and free, as if they were not human be- 
ings at all — and to accuse her in the next, of fostering and en- 
couraging slavery, for allowing so large a proportion of the blacks 
to be a part of the basis of national representation in all the states, 
and then, in the third, because the whole are not so treated, to be 
more abusive than ever — is merely to show plainly, how earnestly 
an occasion is sought to traduce America, and how hard it is to 
find one. He came now to the last charge. He himself, it seems, 
had admitted, on former occasions, that slavery was a national 
evil. He certainly did believe that the people of America, wheth- 
er anti-slavery or pro-slavery, would be happier and better, in 
conscience and feelings, were slavery abolished. He believed 
that every interest would be benefitted by such an event, whether 



40 

political, inoial, or social. The existence of slavery was one of 
the greatest evils of the world, but it was not the crime of all the 
\vorld. Though, therefore, he considered slavery a national evil, 
it was not to be inferred that he viewed it as a national crime. 
The cogency of such an argument was equal to the candor of the 
citation on which it was founded. He would now come to mat- 
ters rather more personal. In enumerating the great numbers of 
anti-slavery societies in America, Mr. Thompson had paraded one 
as fortned in Kentucky, for the whole state. Now, he wou'd ven- 
ture to say that there were not ten persons in that whole State, 
holding anti-slavery principles, in the Garrison sense of the word. 
If this was to be judged a fair specimen of the hundreds of socie- 
ties boasted of by Mr. Thompson, there would turn ojt but a 
beggarly account of them. He found also the name of Groton, 
Massachusetts, as the location of one of the societies in the boast- 
ed list. He had once preached, and spoken on the subject of 
slavery, in that sweet little village, and been struck with the scene 
of peace and happiness which it presented. He afterwards met 
the clergyman of that village in the city of Baltimore, and asked 
him what had caused him to leave the field of his labors. The 
clergyman answered, that the anti-slavery people had invaded his 
peaceful village, and transformed it into such a scene of strife that 
lie jireferred to leave it. And so it was. The pestilence, which, 
like a storm of fire and brimstone from hell, always followed the 
track of abolitionism, had overtaken many a peaceful village, and 
driven its pastor to seek elsewhere a field not yet blasted by it. 
He would conclude by remarking, that Mr. Thompson and he 
(Mr. B.) were now speaking, as it were, in the face of two 
worlds, for Western Europe was the world to America. And it 
was for England to know — that the opinion of America — that Amer- 
ica which already contained a larger reading popwlation than the 
whole of Britain — was as important to her, as hers could be to us. 
What he had said of Mr. Garrison and of Mr. Wright, he had 
said ; and he was ready to answer for it in the face of God and 
man. But he had something else to do, he thanked God, than to 
go about the country carrying placards, ready to be produced on 
all occasions. Nor where he was known, was such a course 
needful, to establish what he said. When those gentlemen should 
make their appearance, in defence or explanation of what he had 
said, he would be the better able to Juilge — whether it would be 
projier for him to take any notice — and if any, what — of the de- 
fence for which IMr. Thompson had so frankly jiledged himself. 
In the mean lime, he would say to that gentleman himself, that his 
attempts at brow-beating were lost upon him. 

Mr. THOMPSON said lie should commence with the end of 
his opponent's speech, and notice what that gentleman had said in 
regard to the charges brought by him against William Lloyd Garri- 



41 

son and Elizur Wright. It appeared as if Mr. Breckinridge expect' 
ed that, because in his own country his character for veracity stood 
high, that therefore, he was entitled, if he chose, to enter an as- 
sembly of twelve hundred persons in Great Britain, and utter the 
gravest charges against certain individuals 3,000 miles away, and 
when called upon as he had been for proof, that he had nothing to 
do but turn round and say, ' Why, I am not bound to furnish proof; 
let the parties accused demonstrate their innocence.' This was 
American justice with a vengeance. This might be Kentucky law, 
or Lynch law, but could hardly be called justice by any assembly 
of honest and impartial persons. Such justice might suit the neigh- 
borhood of Vicksburg, but it would not recommend itself to a Scot- 
ish audience. He (Mr. T.) would not undertake at this time the 
task of justifying the men who had been calumniated. He knew 
these gendemen, and had no doubt when they heard the charges 
preferred against them in this country, they would be able and ready- 
to clear themselves before the world. He would not say that Mr. 
Breckinridge did not himself believe the allegations to be true, 
but he would say that had that gentleman possessed a know- 
ledge of the true character of those he had spoken against — had he 
known them as he (Mr. T.) knew them, he would have held them 
incapable of the dark deeds all&ged against them. With regard 
to Mr. B's remarks upon the number of the slave population, the 
amount of the troops inthe United States, and the existence of slav- 
ery in the district of Columbia, he must say that they were nothing 
but special pleadings ; that the whole was a complete specimen of 
what the lawyers termed pettifogging. He (Mr. T.) was not pre- 
pared to hear a minister say that because only 1500 troops out of 
6000 were found in the southern states, that, therefore, the nation 
was not implicated — that because, if the slavery of the district was 
abolished, there would be no fewer slaves in the country — that, 
therefore, the seat of government should not be cleansed from its 
abomination. He would remind his opponent that they w-ere discuss- 
ing a question of principle, and that the scriptures had declared that 
he who was unjust in the least, was unjust also in the greatest. Mr. 
Breckinridge had still cautiously avoided naming the parties in the 
United States who were responsible for the sin of Slavery. They 
were told that neither New Hampshire nor Massachusetts, nor any 
other of the Northern states were to blame ; that the government 
was not to blame, nor, had it even yet been said, that the South- 
ern states were to blame. Still the aggregate of the guilt belong- 
ed somewhere ; and if the parties to whom reference had been 
made were to be exculpated, at whose door, he would ask, were 
the sin and shame of the system to be laid. The gentleman with 
whom he was debating had repeatedly told him (Mr. T.) that he 
did not understand 'the system.' He frankly confessed that he 
did not. It was a mystery of iniquity which he could not pretend 
to fathom ; but he thought he might add that the Americans them- 
6 



42 

selves, at least the Colonizationists, did not seem to understand it 
very well neither, for they had been operating for a very long time, 
without effecting any favorable change in the system. A word with 
regard to the representation of slaves in Congress. Mr. B. had spoken 
as if he had intended to have it understood, that the slaves were 
themselves benefited by that representation — that it was a partial 
representation of the slave population by persons in their interest. 
How stood the fact? The slaves were not at all represented as men, 
but as things. They swelled, it was true, the number of members 
upon the floor of Congress, but that extra number only helped to 
rivet their bonds tightly upon them, being as tbey were, in the in- 
terest of the tyrant, and themselves slavcliolders, and not in the in- 
terest of the slaves. What said John Quincy Adams in his cele- 
brated report on the Tariff : — 

' The representation of the slave population in this IIoii.«e has, from the establishment of 
the Constitution of the United States, ain(nintei.l to rather more than one-tenth of the whole 
number. In the present Congress (1S33,) it is equivalent to twenty-two votes ; in the next 
Congress it will amount to twenty-five. 'J'his is a eonibined and concentrated power, always 
operating to the support and exclusi\e favor of the sla\c-holding interest.' 

Here was a mighty engine in the cause of oppression. It was 
a wicked misrepresentation to say that the slaves were benefited by 
such an arrangement. Instead of being a lever in their hands to 
aid them in the overthrow of the system which was crushing them, 
it vi^as a vast addition of strength to the ranks of their tyrants, who 
went to Congress to cry down discussion, to cry up Lynch law, and 
shout Hail Columbia. Mr. Thompson then proceeded to give 
some account of the Maryland Colonization scheme. 

The first movement on the subject was in March, 1831, when 
Mr. Brawner submitted the following resolutions to the Maryland 
Legislature, which were by that assembly adopted. He begged 
particular attention both to the letter and spirit of this document, ex- 
hibiting as it did, the feelings of ' the good people of the state' to- 
wards the colored population: — 

Resolved, That the increased proportion of the free people of color in this state, to the 
white population, the evils j^rowini; out of their connection and imrestrained association 
with the slaves their habits and manner of obtaining a subsistence, and their withdrawing 
a large portion of employment from the laboring class of the white population, are subjects 
of momentous and grave consideration to the good people of this state. 

Resolved, That as philanthropists and lovers <;f freedom, we deplore the existence of 
slavery amongst us, and would use our ulniost exertions to anieliorate its condition, yet we 
consider the uin-estrained power of inanuinission as fraught with ultimate evils of a more 
dangerous tendency than the circunistanceof slavery alone, and that any act, having for its 
object the mitigation of these joint evils, not inconsistent with other paramount considera- 
tions, would be worthy the attention and deliberation of the representatives of a free, liberal- 
minded, and enlightened people. 

Resolved, That we consider the colonization of free people of color in Africa as the com- 
mencement of a system, by which if judicious encouragement be afforded; these evils may 
be measurably diininisheil, so thai in process of tinic;, the relative proportion of the black 
to the while po[)ulation, will hardly be matter for serious and nn|)leusant consideration. 

Ordered, therefore, 'I'liat a connnittee of five members be appointed by the Chair, with 
instructions to report a bill, based as nearly as may be, upon the principles contained in the 
foregoing resolutions, ajid report the same to the consideration of' this house. 

Such was" the first movement on the subject. At the next ses- 



43 

sion of the legislature Mr. Brawncr presented the report of the 
committee, some of the extracts from which he (Mr. T.) would 
read : — 

The committee tn wliom was rcfoncd (lie several memorials from numerous citizens in 
this state, upon thcsiilyecl ofthn ccjlored popiilalion, Report, — 

That the views prescnled liy the memorialists are various, and the recommendations con- 
tained in some of the memorials are entirely repu^^iiaiit to those contained in others. The 
subjects, however, upon which legislative action is required, may be embraced under a few 
general heads: 

First, That a law be passed prohibiting the future emancipation of the slaves, unless pro- 
vision be made for their removal from the state. 

Secondly, That a smn of money arletpiate for the attainment of the object, be raised and 
appropriated for the further removal of those already free. 

Thirdly, Tliatia system of police be established, regulating the future conduct and mor- 
als of this class of our population. 

And, Fourthly, There are se\cral memorials from different parts of our state, signed bv a 
numerous and highly respectable jiortion of our citizens, recommending tlie entire abolition 
of slavery in the state. 

On the 14th of IMarch, 1832, the State Legislature of Maryland 
appropriated for the use of the, State Colonization Society the sum 
of two hundred thousand dollars, payable in sums of twenty thous- 
and dollars per annum for ten years. Having made the grant, the 
legislature next proceeded to pass acts to obtain the consent of the 
colored population to quit the state and country, and emigrate to 
Africa. He (Mr. T.) claimed special attention to some short ex- 
tracts from those laws. They would reveal more powerfully than 
any language of his, the benevolent or rather atrociously cruel de- 
signs of the ' good people' of the state. He should quote first from 
' An Act relating to P'ree Negroes and Slaves,' passed within a 
few days of the grant and part and parcel of the same benevolent 
scheme: — 

Section 1. P.e it enacted by the Cenernl Assembly of IMaryland, That after the passage 
of this act, no free ne;;ro oi' i:inl;;tlo shall cmi'^ralp to, or sel'lle in this State; and no free 
negro or mulatlo l)flniiL;iiii; to any oiher stale, ilislrirt or territory, shall come into this 
State, and therein ronaiii fir ili(> space often sacrcssive days, whether such free negro or 
mulatto intends seltling in this Slate or not, under the pen;;lty of fifty dollars for each and 
every wceU such piM-sons eoiiiing into, shall thereafler remain in this State; the one half to 
the informer and the other half to the sheriif for the use of the county. # * ♦ 
and any i\vo negro or nuilallo refu'^iiig ornegloeting lo pay said fine or fines, shall be com- 
mitted to the jail ofiliiM- ily; and sliall be sold iiv the shcrifl" at public sale, for such time 

us may be necessary to cover ihc aforesaid penalty, first giving ten days previous notice of 
such sale. 

Sec. 2d. Anil lie it enacted. Tint no jierson in this State, shall hereafter hire, employ, or 
harbor any free negro <n- mulatto who shall emigrate or settle in this state, after the first 
day of .liine next, or any (ree negr<i or mulatto who shall come into this state from any 
other state, dislrift or hrrilory, and continue in this stale for the space of ten successive 
days as above, under the piMiah\ of luenty dollars for every day after the expiration of four 

shall be so cmplnyed, hiinl or liaihiirf^d. 

the use of the coimiv ; and if anv nii;;M or 
wilhniil the limits lli.acof for a s|i:i(-o lo;v 
ing the slate he depo-^ils wiih llir -iork .. 
nient of his oljert in mi doiii', ami his In; 
heel, .Irlalnrd hv slrl.iir , ,„ r mi- o| 



to from visiting Liber 



all (i 


les acr 


riling un 


ler this act, * * 


i|,ll,.,l 


lo the 


informer 


, and the other half to 


alio ^ 


lall re 


no\e fro 


n this state and remain 


lan III 


rlv eoi 


secntive 


lays, unless before leav- 


' conn 


V ill VN 


hieli he 1 


esides, a written state- 


inof 1 


■mini 


,r airain 


or unless he shall have 




-hall 1 


ring are 


■lificate.he shall be re- 


"m'l'ii 


, ifho 
alallM 


•s of a no 


) the penalties imposed 
her state, migrating to 


Ins a: 


1 shall 


prevent 


uiv free negro orrouiat- 


state 


vhenuv 


or he may choose to do lo. 



44 

Sec. 4. And be it enacted. That it sl.ail not be lawful iVom and after tlie fiiPt of June 
next, to import or bring into this state by land or water, any negro, midatto or other slave 
for sale, or to re.^ide within this slate: ' * -^ * ^"'^ any person or persons 

so offendin", shall forfeit for e\erv su.h ofi'enre, anv ne^ro, mulatto or 4,lher slave brought 
into this state contrary to this act; ami such negro, niiilalto or other sla^e, shall be entitled 
to freedom upon c<mdilion that he conient to be sent to l.ib.eria, or to leaxe the state forth- 
with, otherwise such negro or nnilalto or other slave, shall be seized and taken and conhned 
in jail by the sheriff of the countv where il:eofi"ence is committed, which sheriff shall receive 
ten dollars for everv negro, mulatto or other slave so brought into this slate and forfeited 
as aforesaid, and seized and taken bv him. * * * IMore.iver, said sherift 

shall receive five d.dlars for such negro, mulatto or other slave actually confined by hira in 
jail, and the usual prison fee as now aljowed bv law, and anv person or persons so oflending un- 
der this act, shall be punished by indictment in the countv court of the county where the offence 
shall be commiled, and upon conviction thereof, the said cc.urt fhall,by its order, direct said 
sheriff to sell any negro, mulatto or (jther sla-.es so seized and taken by him, under this act^, 
to the Colonization Society for said fi\e dollars, and the prison lees * 

to be taken to Liberia: and if such Cohmizaticm Society shall not receive such negroes, 
inulattoes or other shnes for said five dollars each, and the prison fees of each, upon refus- 
ing, said sheriff" shall, after three weeks' public notice given by advertisements, sell any such 
nfgro, mulatto or otlier slave to some person or persons, with a condition that any such ne- 
gro, mulatto or other slave shall be removed and taken forlluvith beyond the limits ot this 
state to settle and reside. 

Such was the scheme which hatJ been advocated in Boston and 
elsewhere by his opponent. He now left the matter in his hands, 
recommending him to exert all his eloquence and ingenuity in be- 
half of the honor of Maryland, but warning him beforehand that 
his labors would be in vain. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE said, he would now proceed with 
what remained of the argument on the general question. He had 
been asked to point out the responsible parlies in regard to slavery, 
and this was what he was about to do. It was indeed much more 
easy to show who were the responsible parties than to jjrove the 
innocence of those unjustly accused — it uas pcrha[)s his duty to 
do both — the first he had been attempting:. It would be easy to 
do the other, and he trusted, that afier he li;;d done so — if ihe 
good people of Glasgow on any future occasion should meet to 
pass resolutions applauding Mr. Thompson, for the vast sacrifices 
he had made, and the sullering he had enthirtd in the cause of 
emancipation, they would not again fool obliged to pass lesolutions 
condemning the whole American nation, as the vilest nation that 
ever existed, for maintaining slavery. He would say, then, that 
he considered the owners of the slaves, as in the first place, re- 
sponsible. The slave-owner had two important duties to perform 
in reference to those of his fellow-beings, who were held in bon- 
dage. In the first j)lace, he was bound to inform himself of the 
whole question, in its length and breadth, and having done so, he 
ought, in the speediest manner possible, consistent with the hap- 
piness of the slaves themselves, to set them free. This was the 
duty of a slave-owner, as an individual. But, as his lot might be 
cast in a slaveholding state, it \\as his duty, in addition to heeing 
his own slaves, that he should use every lawi'ul means to elighten 
public opinion. Whatever facuhics he possessed, it was his duty 
JO use ihcm in the altcmpt to rtiiKve tlic jircjudircs qf those 



45 

whose minds were not yet enlightened on this important question. 
But, while it was his duty to do this, he was to refrain from every 
thing which would naturally tend to exasperate the minds of the 
masters. He was not to go and take hold of a man by the throat, 
and say, ' You are a great thieving, man-dealing villain, and unless you 
instantly give your slaves liberty, I will pitch you out of this three story 
window. ' That was not the mode in which a prudent man would go to 
work. And he (Mr. Breckinridge) would like, above all things, to 
make Mr. Thompson, and his fellow-laborers sensible of this im- 
porant truth ; that in their efforts to give freedom to the slaves, 
nothing could be done without the consent of the slave-owners. 
And unless it was kept in view, Mr. Thompson might labor, to 
use an American homely phrase, ' till the cows come home,' but 
he would not move a single step nearer his object. While on this 
head there was another saying which he had no doubt Mr. Thomp- 
son had frequently heard in America, and which might be of some 
use for him to bear in mind, if he revisited that horrible country ; 
it was that one ' spoonful of molasses would catch more flies than 
a hogshead of vinegar.' With regard to the mode in which the 
question of slavery should be taken up in those states where it 
existed, he would say that every thing had been done — agitation, 
as it was called in this country — to enlightei. tlie public mind on 
the whole question, was the only thing that could advance the 
cause. If there was any thing else that could be taken advantage 
offer that end, he was willing to learn it, and to go home and try 
to teach his countrymen who were laboring in the same cause. In 
the second place, Mr. B. proceeded to say, that the parties re- 
sponsible for the existence of slavery were the states which toler- 
ated it. If slavery were wrong, as he was fully prepared to assert 
it to be, then those states or communities which tolerate it were 
justly responsible at the bar of God, at the tribunal of an enlight- 
ened world. If slavery were wrong, those who have power were 
bound to abolish it as soon as it could be done consislently with 
the greatest amount of good to all concerned. Now, slavery could 
end in any state only by violence, or by the consent of the mas- 
ters. This made it obviously the duty of all who had right views 
in such communities, to extend and enforce them in such a way 
as shall appear most likely to secure the object in view — namely, 
peaceful, vohmtary, and legal abolition. It demonstrates too, that 
whenever the majority of such a community are ready to act in 
this behalf, they are bound to act in such a manner as will consti- 
tutionally and speedily effect the object, even though multitudes irr 
that community should still oppose it. But here again it is most 
clear that such a result can never l)e brought about, till the majori- 
ty of such slaveholding communities shall not only consent to it, 
but require it. So that in every branch of the matter, it constan- 
ly appears how indis))ensablc, light, and hove, gentleness, wis- 
dom, and truth are ; and how perfectly mad it is to expect to do 



46 

any thing in America by harsh vituperation, hasty and violent pro- 
ceedings. But, say the anti-slavery people, you can abolish 
slavery in the District of Columbia, and might purchase the free- 
dom of all the slaves throughout the whole of the states with the 
public money. But it was not the price of the slaves that was the 
chief difficulty in making an end of slavery. The inhabitants of 
the Southern states reckoned this the least part of the case. To 
take away our slaves, 'say they, is to take away not our property 
alone, but our country also ; for without them the country would 
not be cultivated. He did not say that the Southern planters were 
right in thinking so, but he knew that they did think so; and there- 
fore, it was necessary to take their opinion into account. This 
was only an instance of the many difficulties by which the ques- 
tion was beset, and would let them see that it was not a mere 
matter of pounds, shillings, and pence. In reference to the 
effiarts made by the American people to abolish slavery, Mr. 
Breckinridge said they had done much in this cause before Mr. 
Thompson was born, and possibly before his father was born. 
They had labored for ages, he might almost say for half centuries. 
During that time they had effected much, and they would have 
done more but for the interference of the party with which Mr. 
Thompson was identified. A party whose principles were based 
on false metaphysics — on false morality, who came often with the 
fury of demons, and yet said they were sent by God. He would 
say the cause of emancipation had been much injured by the ill- 
designed effiDrts of that party, they had thrown the cause a hun- 
dred years farther back, than it was five years ago. In reference 
to the Maryland colonization scheme, of which they had heard so 
much from Mr. Thompson, he would only be able, as his time 
was nearly expired, to make a remark or two. That Society had 
existed for about four years. In its fourth annual report there is 
a statement from the managers of the Maryland State fund, that with- 
in the preceding year, two hundred and ninety-nine manumissions 
had been reported to them, which, with those previously reported, 
make eleven hundred and one slaves manumitted, purely and free- 
ly manumitted, within four years in that State : while the total num- 
ber of colored persons transported to Liberia since the Society 
commenced its operations was then only one hundred and forty, 
as exhibited by the same report. Nothing could show more 
clearly the falsity of those statements which represent the scheme 
of Maryland colonization, as being cruel, oppressive, and pecu- 
liarly opposed to the progress of emancipation. The direct con- 
trary is in all respects true. AVith regard to the book from which 
Mr. Thompson had read some extracts, purporting to be the laws 
of Maryland ; if he were not mistaken, that book was a violent 
and inflammatory pamphlet written by some person, perhaps Mr. 
Thompson himself, shortly after his (Mr. B's) visit to Boston. 
He would not enter upon the discussion of the merits of that pam- 



phlet, against which it had been alleged in America, at the place 
where it originated, and he believed truly charged, that instead of 
containing faithful extracts from the laws of Maryland, it did in 
fact, contain only schemes of laws which had been proposed in the 
Assembly of Maryland, but which had never received their sanc- 
tion ; chiefly in consequence of the opposition of the friends of 
colonization. In conclusion, he would say, that the Maryland 
scheme was, as a whole, one of the most wise and humane projects 
that had ever been devised. He had no objection on proper oc- 
casions, to go fully into it, and he hoped to be able to show that 
it would do much for the amehoration of the negro race. 



49 



THIRD NIGHT~WEDNE8DAY, JUNE li 



MR. BRECKINRIDGE said, the subject for discussion this 
evening by two appointments, was the great cause of colonization, 
as it presented itself in America; and he was aware that of all the 
parts of the subject of these discussions there were none on which 
iheir opinions were more decidedly made up against what he believ- 
ed to be the truth, it was, therefore, peculiarly embarrassing for 
him to enter upon the subject, but he did so with that frankness and 
candor with which he had entered upon the other topics of discus- 
sion; and if he would not show them sufficient reason to commend 
the principle of colonization to their minds and feelings, he could 
only expect that they should remain of their present opinions. The 
scheme of colonization was not a new one in America. It had been 
spoken of 40 or 50 years ago, by him who in his day ranked next 
to the father of his country in the affections of the American peo- 
ple, Mr. Jefferson, before he filled the president's chair, Avhile he 
was president, and afterwards occupied his thoughts with this great 
scheme. Being himself a decided enemy to slavery, he tried to 
rouse the minds of his countrymen to the advantages which would 
arise from the colonizing of the free blacks of America on some part 
of the Western coast of Africa. With this view he entered into 
negotiations with the Sierra Leone Company in this country, to re- 
ceive into their colony free people of color from America; and he 
also had applied to the Portuguese government, at that time a large 
African proprietor, for a place where the free blacks might be allow- 
ed to colonize themselves. Whether these efforts, which were ap- 
plauded and aided by many wise and good men, deserved to be 
praised or blamed, was not the topic to be taken up at present; but 
they showed that the scheme was one which could not be called a 
new scheme. This proposal of colonizing the free blacks of Amer- 
ica on the West coast of Africa had obtained the approbation of 
nine tenths of all those throughout America who took any interest in 
the fate of the black race: for even the great bulk of those who 
were now in favor of " abolitionism," were at one time the Iriends 
7 



50 

of colonization. Whether they had good or bad reasons for the 
change which had taken place in their opinions, would be more ap- 
parent, perhaps, when they arrived at the end of the discussion. 
It was in the course of the years 1822 or 1823 that the first colo- 
nists were sent out from America. He might not be perfectly ac- 
curate in his dates, as he gave them from memory, but the present 
argument did not depend on exact accuracy in that respect. The 
society for promoting the colonization scheme was organized some 
years before the date stated above, when an expedition was sent out 
to explore the coast of Africa with a view to establishing the colo- 
ny; and afterwards another to purchase territory; and then the colo- 
nists were sent out, which he believed took place for the first time 
after 1S20. The society continued to pursue the scheme for a 
period of 9 or 10 years, and met with no opposition except from 
some parties in the extreme South; but had the concurrence of 
almost all the wise, the good, and the benevolent in America. It 
was not till about 1830 that any very violent opposition was made 
to the society's operations; and he believed Mr. Garrison was among 
the first who opposed it, on the ground that its operations were in- 
jurious to the interests of the colored race in America. Mr. Ar- 
thur Tappan also seceded from the society about the same time, but 
upon different grounds from Garrison. His opposition arose from 
the society's not taking up bis ground in reference to Temperance. 
He had no hesitation in saying that Mr. Tappan was right, and that 
the society was wrong; as they did not go far enough in regard to 
this point. He the more readily admitted that in this particular 
Mr. Tappan's views were right, as he was WTong in every other 
point which he assumed in reference to the society. But it was 
not till about 1832, that an organized opposition to the society be- 
gan to manifest itself. In 1833 the American Anti- Slavery Soci- 
ety was established, one of the fundamental principles of which, and 
perhaps the one they most zealously propagated, was uncompromis- 
ing hostility to the colonization scheme. In the progress of events 
too, it turned out that all the friends of colonization did not see 
alike on all parts of the subject. Many of them thought that the 
interests involved were too important and too great to be left to a 
single board of management or staked on a single series of experi- 
ments. Some considered that one general principle of operation 
could not be made broad enough for the circumstances of all the 
states, and hence arose several separate societies, — as that of Ma- 
ryland, organized on peculiar principles, which have direct reference 
to general emancipation; and as those of New York and Philadel- 
phia, which have founded a colony on principles of peace, — the 
temperance principle being held equally by them and the ^Faryland 
society. The general society at Washington assumed the ground 
of colonizing, on the West coast of Africa with their own consent, 
persons of color from America who were of good character, and 



51 

who vvere free at the time of their being sent out. The Maryland 
Society went a step farther. Tliey saw that the colonization scheme 
would have a reflection favorable to emancipation; and they carried 
on their operations with a direct and avowed reference to the ulti- 
mate emancipation of the slaves in that state. The New York and 
Philadelphia societies were founded, as I have above said, on the 
principles of temperance and peace — the former principle being 
common also to the Maryland scheme. The united societies of 
New York and Philadelphia first took 120 slaves who had been 
manumitted by the late Dr. Hawes, of Va., and formed them into a 
colony. The Parent Society's territory in Africa was called Li- 
beria. It was about 100 leagues in length along the coast, about 
10 or 15 leagues deep, and there were 5 or 6 settlements, all under 
the general control of that society. There were in them all about 
4,000 colonists, a great portion of whom were manumitted slaves. 
The colony of the jNIaryland Society was farther South than that of 
the Parent Society. It was situated on that point of the coast call- 
ed Cape Palmas, and was itself called Maryland in Africa. It was 
under the charge of a board of management in Maryland, and con- 
sisted at this time of between two and three hundred colonists, who 
were chiefly manumitted slaves. The other colony, that belonging 
to the New York and Philadelphia Society, was at Bassa Cove, and 
was under the charge of the directors of that society. There were 
in all about 5000 colonists under the charge of these societies. For 
the first few years of the existence of the Parent Society, it was 
supported by a number of gentlemen for different reasons. At the 
commencement it was not perhaps perfectly clear how it might op- 
erate. Some advocated the cause and supported the interests of 
the society, on the principles of direct humanity to the free colored 
persons of America. Others again supported it as calculated to 
produce collateral effects favorable to the slaves, and the general 
cause of emancipation in the country. Others on the ground that 
it would enable the country to get rid of the colored population, 
without much reference to what might be the result to the colored 
population themselves; just as if in England there were individuals 
who would promote emigration, to get the country rid of those who 
were as they supposed given to idleness and a burden upon the 
country. There may have been some who supported the society 
from an actual love for slavery, and as a means which they suppos- 
ed might lessen some of the evils by which it was accompanied. 
During the first years of the society's operations, many thousands of 
speeches were delivered, and many hundreds of pamphlets were 
published about the society, its operations, and their effects; and it 
was quite possible that Mr. Thompson might be able to bring for- 
ward some sentences and scraps from the speeches of a slave-own- 
er, who looked upon the society as a means of perpetuating slavery 
in America; or he might produce some speech, in which the soci- 



62 

ety was supported as a means of ridding the country of the free 
people of color, no matter what became of them afterward. But 
it was uncandid and unjust to take this plan of opposing the cause; 
because it was well known that whatever might be the case in par- 
ticular instances, the general fact was, that the great majority of the 
supporters of the society had always supported it, because of the 
good effects they anticipated from it in favor of ultimate emancipa- 
tion, as well as its present and immense benefits to the free blacks. 
Now I challenge Mr. Thompson to the plain admission, or the 
plain denial of these statements. If he denies them I am content; 
for in that case, he will stand convicted in America, for the denial 
of that which every man, woman and child there knows to be true. 
If he admits my statements to be substantially true, then the entire 
point of the charges brought by him and his friends against coloni- 
zation, is broken off; and all he or they can allege against it, can 
equally be alleged against every thing, good or bad, that ever exis- 
ted, namely, tliat men supported it for various, or even opposite 
reasons. I go farther — I assert, and call upon Mr. Thompson to 
admit or to deny it, I care not which — that just in proportion as the 
cause has developed itself, and its natural and legitimate influences 
been plainly exhibited — those who favor slavery have cooled in its 
support, or withdrawn entirely from it — while those who favor e- 
mancipation, and desire the good of the free people of color, have, 
in the same degree, and with increasing cordiality, rather avowed 
it, insomuch that it will be difficult if not wholly impossible for 
our evidences of friendship to it, from an avow^ed friend of slavery, 
to be culled out of all his scraps, as occurring within the last three 
or four years. Indeed no persons were more persecuted after what 
Mr. T. calls persecution in some of the Southern states, than those 
who advocate the cause of colonization, a fact which began to occur 
as soon as those slave owners, who desired slavery to continue, 
clearly saw that the natural result was the ultimate emancipation of 
the slaves. How far the conduct of Mr. Thompson and his friends 
was calculated to produce a reaction in the South, and incline mod- 
erate and humane masters to the views of the emancipationists, 
cannot now be determined. But that the increasing wisdom and 
benevolence of the South will compensate for the folly and phren- 
zy at the North, there is good reason to hope. He would now 
proceed to give a few reasons why this scheme of colonization 
should be sui)ported. But he would first call their attention to a 
resolution proposed by Mr. George Thompson at a meeting of the 
Young Mens' Anti Slavery Society of Boston: — 

That as the Ameiiraii Colonization Sociply has been (IcmonRtralcd to lie in its principles 
unrighteous, unnatural, and pidsciipiivo, the attempt now made to give permanency to tliis 
institution is a fraud upon tin- i;;norance and an outrage upon the intelligence of tJie public, 
and as such deserves the severest re|)ioljation. 



The verbiage of this resolution showed its parentage. No one who 
had ever heard one of Mr. Thompson's speeches could for a mo- 
ment doubt the authorship of the resolution. But wliat were they 
to think of an individual who, being almost a perfect stranger in 
America, came forward at a public meeting, and spoke in terms 
like these of a society, supported and encouraged by the great ma- 
jority of the nation — embracing in that majority most of what is 
distinguished by rank, by knowledge, or by virtue, in the country.-* 
What but universal execration from the violent, and pity and con- 
tempt from all — could be expected to follow suc.i ])roceedings. 
And yet London, Edinburgh, and Glasgow, celebrate the prudence 
of Mr. George Thompson in America, and praise his conduct there 
on their behalf! It was not demonstrated that the scheme was eith- 
er unnatural, proscri))tive, or foolish. He wished much to hear 
Mr. Thompson attempt that demonstration. He Mr. B.) would 
attempt to prove, on the other hand, that in itself the scheme was 
good, wise, and benevolent. His first reason was that it was good 
for the free black population of America, for whose benefit it was 
intended, whatever might be the opinions entertained regarding 
slavery; whatever might be the opinion as to the cuty of admitting 
the free colored po})ulalion to all the rights and pr vilegcs of white 
people; taking it for granted that slavery should be abolished, tak- 
ing it for granted that the free colored population should have the 
same rights and privileges as the white population; admitting, as so 
many have declared, that these free people of color are generally 
very little elevated above the condition of the slaves; granting the 
existence of the absurd prejudice among the white population against 
people of color; taking as true, all the assertions of all, or any par- 
ties, on this subject, and then say, if it is not a good, a wise, a hu- 
mane reason for encouraging the societ)^, that they are able to snatch 
1000 or 10,000 of these degraded, ruined, undone, and unhappy 
people from the condition they are placed in, and plant them in 
comfort, freedom, and peace in Africa? Whi^x' INIr. Thompson 
and his friends were trying their schemes to terminate slavery, and 
break down prejudice against color — schemes which were likely to 
be long in progress, if we were to judge by the past — it seemed 
most extraordinary that they should object to our efforts to take a 
portion of these people out of tlie grasp of their present sorrows, 
and do for them in Africa all that has been dono for ourselves in 
America. Above all things, is it not inexplicable, that they should 
consider slavery on one side of the Atlantic, better than freedom on 
the other, — a thought, proving him who held it unworthy of free- 
dom anywhere. If this was not a scheme, full of wisdom, of good- 
ness and benevolence, he know not what wisdom, goodness, or be- 
nevolence meant. They proposed to do nothing without the free 
consent of the colored people. And now, if a similar oficr were 
made to every poor and unfortunate inhabitant oi' CMasgow, and all 



54 

of them chose to remain here, except one, and that one were cap- 
tivated by the account of some distant El Dorado, and chose to 
push his fortune there, could the rest assume over this one the right 
of saying, you shall not go; we are determined not to go, and equal- 
ly determined not to let you go. Yet the abolitionists have been 
going about, from Dan to Beersheba, not only attacking and vilify- 
ing the whites, for proposing to colonize the blacks with their own 
free consent; but equally attacking the blacks for availing themselves 
of the offer. And though the colony had been stigmatized as a 
grave, as a place of skulls, it was the very place fitted by nature for 
the black population, the land granted by God to their fathers. It 
is in one sense, then, a matter of no moment, what the causes are 
which induce the society to make the offer, or the black population 
to emigrate to Africa — even on the showing of the abolitionists- 
themselves, the colored population are kept in a state of degrada- 
tion; and it is certainly just and good that means should be afforded 
them for getting rid of that degradation. In the second place, he 
maintained that this colonization scheme naturally tended to pro- 
mote the cause cf general emancipation. To illustrate this, Mr. 
Breckinridge read the following extract from the INIaryland report 
of 1835, p. 17: — 

The number of manumissions in the state- io|ioi tod to the hoard since the last annual report, 
is two hundred and ninety-nine, in:d\in;,' tlu- wIkjIc number reported as manumitted, since the 
passage of the act of 1S31, eleven Inuidred anil ujie. 

This extract showed that the scheme did not prevent manumis- 
sion, but had tended gradually to increase its amount. That this 
was the intention and actual effect of the colonization scheme, he 
would now prove to the meeting in so far as regarded Maryland; 
and if he did so of that state, he supposed they would not find it 
difiicult to believe the same thing of other states, as it was against 
Maryland that Mr. Thompson had expended his peculiar virulence. 
Mr. B. then read the following: — 

Resolved, That this society l)clic\e, and ad ii|)oiilh(- liclicrthat colonization has a tenden- 
cy to promote emancipation, by afliirdiiif; to tin- i-niaMcipated slave a home, where he can be 
happier and better, in every point of view , than in this country, and so inducing masters to 
manumit, for removal to Africa, who would not man\nnit unconditionally. — 3rd A. Rep. 
page 5. 

MaryliUid, through her State Society, is -.dKnU trying the important experiment, whether, 
by means of colonies on the coast of Aiiica, shnc-holdiug states may become free states. The 
Board of Managcis cannot doubt of success, howcvi-r; and in t-xcrcising the high and rcspon- 
sil)le duties devob ing ii|ioii them, it is with the lirm belief that tlu- time is not very remote, 
when, with the full and I'nr consent of those interested in this species of property, the stale 
of Maryland will Ix; added to the list of the non-slave-holding states of the Union.— 3 A. R. 
,,ag.- 6." 

It has Ix-en charged, again and again, against the general scheme, that its tendencies were 
to perpetuate slavery; and, at this moment, iioth in this coimtry and in Europe, (here are 
those who slignialize the Ldiors of men like h'iidcy, Caldwell, Harper, A vies, Ashniun, Key, 
Gurley, Anderson and Raiuiall, as U-ading to this emi. Unfoiuuled as is the charge, it has 
many Ixjiievers. 'l"he colonization law of I\I:n\ lan<l is based upon a far different piinciple; 
for the immigration of slaves is expressly prohibited, and the transportation of those who are 



55 

emancipated is amply provided'for. In accordance, therefore, w itii the general sentiment of 
the public, and anxious that colonization in the state should l)e i-elieved from the imputation 
put upon the cause, resolutions were unanimously adopted, avowing that the extirpation of 
slavery in Maryland was tlie chief object of the society's existence. — 3 A. R. page 33. 

Throughout the report the same current of events was referred to; 
and they were found to be everywhere the same as to the effects of 
the colonial scheme on the manumission of slaves. To show the 
cause of the objections to the scheme by free persons of color, Mr. 
B. read the following extract: — 

The Board would here remark, that in collecting emigi-ants from among the free persons 
of color in tlie state, tlie greatest difficulty tliey have experienced lias grown out of the incre- 
dulity of these with resardtothe accounts given to them of Africa. Even when tlieir friends 
in Liberia have written to tliem, inviting them to emigrate, and speaking favorably of the 
country, they have believed that a restiaint was upon tlie « riters, and that the society's agents 
prevented any letter from reaching America, which did not speak in terms of praise of'Afri- 
ca. Tlie ingenuity of the colored people in this sUite devised a simple test of tlie reliance 
that was to be placed in letters, pur)iorting to be written by tlieir friends; which they have, 
during the last year or eighteen months, been putting into practice. When the emigrant 
sailed from the United States, he took with hiin one half of a strip of calico, the other half 
being retained by the person to whom lie was to write when he reached Africa. If he was 
permitted to write without restraint, and if he spoke his real sentiments in his letter, he en- 
closed his portion of the calico, which, matching willi that from which it had lx;en severed, 
gave autlienticity and weight to the correspondence. Many of these tokens, as tliey are call- 
ed, have been received, ami their effect has teen evident in the greater willingness manifest- 
ed by the free people of color to emigrate ; especially those of them who are at all well judging 
and well informed. — 4 A. R. page 6. 

Whatever difficulties now exist as to getting free people of color to 
avail themselves of the society's scheme and emigrate to Africa, 
arise in a great degree from the efforts of the abolition parly to mis- 
represent the intentions of the society, and the state and prospects 
of the colony, to the free colored people of the United States, — 
thus showing the double atrocity of preventing these people from 
being benefited, and of traducing those persons who wish to benefit 
them. In an address from Cape Palmas, by the Colonists to their 
brethren in America, dated in October, 1834, there was a distinct 
avowal of the fact that it was better for them that they had gone 
there; and urging others to come also. Mr. B. then read the fol- 
lowing extract from the address : — 

Dear Brethren — Agreeably to a resolution of our fellow citizens herewith enclosed, we 
now endeavor to lay ijcfore you a fair and impartial slalcnient of the actual situation of this 
colony; of our advantages and prospects, both icinporal and spiritual. 

We are aware of the great difleience of opinion whidi exi-ts in America wiih respect to 
colonization. We are aware of the ti(-rce contcnlions txlween its advocates aJul(>p|)osers; 
and we are of opinion that this contention, among the well iiKaninu, is based |)rincipa!ly upon 
the various and coniradictory accounts concerning this connlry and it-< advantages; receiving 
on the one hand from tlic eiiihusiiL^tic and visionary iipw comers, who write without having 
made themselves at all aciptainted with the true slate of affairs in Africa; and on the oilier, 
from the timorous, dissipated and disheartened, who long to return to ihcir former degraded 
skuation, and are willing lo assign any reason, however false and deti iinental to their fellow 
citizens, rather llian the tine one, viz;— that ihey are actually unfit, from want of virtue, en- 
ergy and capacilv, to become frcenun in anv coniiiry. 

VVe judge tluil the time which has elai'ised since onr first arrival, (eight months,) has 
enabled us to form a pretty correct opinion of this our new colony, of the climate, and of the 
fitness of our government. Therefore we may safely say we write not -jnoranily. And 



56 

as to tlie tniih of our assertions we here .solemnly declare, once for all, tliat we write in tlie 
fear of God, and are fully sensible that we stand pledged to maintain iheni both here and 
hereafter. 

Of our Government — We declare that we have enjoyed (and the same is for ever guar- 
anteed to us by our Constitution) all and every civil and religious right and privilege, which 
we have ever known enjoyed by iho white citizens of the United States, excepting the elec- 
tion of our chief magistrate, wh<i is appointed by the board of inanagers of the Marjland 
State Colonization Society. Other officers are appointed or elected from tlie colonists. — 
Freedom of speech and the press, election by ballot, trial by jury, the right to Ixiar arms, and 
the lilierty of worshipping God agreeably to tlie dictates of our own consciences, are render- 
ed for ever inviolate by the Constitution. 

That we may not weaiy your patience or be suspected of a desire to set forth matters in 
too favorable a light, we have been thus brief in our statements. It will naturally be suppos- 
ed, brethren, that the object of this address is to induce you to emigrate and join us. To 
deny this would be a gross want of candor, and not in unison with our professions at tlie 
outset. We do wish it, antl we tender you Ixitli (he heart and hand of good fellowship. 

But here again, let us Ije equally candid with you. It is not every man we could honestly 
advise or desire to come to tliis colony. To those who are contented to live and educate 
their children as house servants and lackeys, we would say, stay where you are; here we 
have no masters to employ you. To the indolent, heedless and slothful, we would say, tarry 
among the flesh pots of Egypt ; here we get our bread by the sweat of the brow. To dnink- 
ards and rioters, we would say, come not to us ; you can never become naturalized in a land 
where tliere are no grog shops, and where temperance and order is the motto. To the tim- 
orous and suspicious, we would say, stay where you have protectors; here we protect our- 
.selves. But the iiuhi'^tiloiis, enterprising and patriotic of what oc(U|ialiiia or piofession 
soever; the merchant, the luechanii-, and fanner, (but more particu!arl\ \\u- l.iiK r.) we would 
counsel, advise and entreat to ((ini.- and be one with us, and assist in llii- uluiimi- enterprise, 
and enjoy with us that liljeity to uhich we cwr were, and the man o( Cdlor cmji must be, a 
stranger in America. To tin- ]iiliii-i( i- i.f iln i;.,-|;(|, |)olh while and colored, we would say, 
come to this great harvest, and ilitln-r amunu-i ii- luij our benighted neighbors, that light of 
the gospel, without which libirt\ li-rit i> hm -Iim i\, and freedom but perpetual bondage. 

Accept, brethren, our best ui.-lio- ; and, jirav lii" liiat tiip Great Disposer of events will 
direct you to that course, which will tend to ymr happiness and the benefit of our race 
throughout the world. 

We subscribe our.-ehes 

Yours, most affect ionatelv, 

JACOB GROSS, 
WILLI.m POLK, 
t'HAliLi:S SCOTLA.MD, 
A.M'IIO.NV WOOD, 
TllO.MAS JACKSON. 

The report having been read, it was then moved by James M. Thompson and seconded, 
that the report be approved and accepled. The yeas and nays were presented as follows: — 

Yeas — Jeremiah Stewart, James Martin, Samuel Wheeler, H. Duncan, Daniel Banks, 
Joshua Stewart, John Bowen, James Stewart, Henry Dennis, Eden Harding, Robert White- 
field, Nathan Lee, Nathaniel Edmondson, Charles Scotland, Nathaniel Har]non,Bnr. Minor, 
Anthony Howard, James M. Thompson, Antliony Wood, Jacob Gross, Win. Polk, Thomas 
Jackson. 

]Vays— Nicholas Tlvmi-on, William Reynolds, William Cassel. 

N.B. Tliii-rwlin i...t(il in the negative, declared that the statements contained in the 
report were tine, Imih in -piiit and letter, but they preferred returning to America — where- 
upon the meeliii;,' adjniniird, sine die. 

A true copy of llie record of the proceedings. WM. POLK. 

If any weight was due to human testimony, it was made probablej 
at least, if not certain, that the intentions of the promoters of the 
scheme were that it should be most kind to the black man, in all its 
direct action, and by its indirect influences, the precursor of the abo- 
lition of slavery ; and if the society had fallen into a mistake, the col- 
onists themselves had also fallen into the same ; as in this address they 
say the scheme has proved .successful. He would, therefore, con- 
clude this second reason, by maintaining that he had sufficiently 



57 

proved that the scheme had been productive of good, not only to the 
colored population, but also to the cause of universal freedom. 

The reasons he would now offer would be more general. And in 
bringing forward the third head of argument, he observed, that the 
uniform method which God had selected to civilize and enlighten 
mankind, and to cany through the world a knowledge of the arts and 
laws, with all the kindred blessings of civilization, was colonization. 
Amongst the first commands given by God to man, N\a3 to replenish 
and subdue the earth ; and there was a striking fulness of meaning in 
the expression. While there seemed to exist in the w hole human 
family an instinctive obedience to this command, God had so directed 
its manifestation, that he believed he might safely challenge any one to 
show him any one nation which had located the permanent seat of its 
empire in the native land of its inhabitants. Every nation had been 
a conquered nation ; every people has been in turn enlightened from 
others, and in turn colonists again. This nation, which has reputed 
itself the most enlightened In the world, and far be it from him to con- 
trovert the opinion in their presence, might trace its superior enlight- 
enment in part to the fact of its having been so much oftener con- 
quered than any other, and the consequent greater mixture of nations 
among the Inhabitants. Again, he observed, that God had kept sev- 
eral races of men distinct, from the time of Noah down to the present 
day ; and in their mutual action upon each other, there was this ex- 
traordinary fact, that wherever the descendants of Shem had colonized 
a country occupied by the descendants of Japhet or Ham, they had 
extirpated those who were before them. When the descendants of 
Japhet conquered die descendants of Shem, they were extirjiated be- 
fore them; when the descendants of Shem conquered those of Japliet, 
the case was the same ; and so of the descendants of Ham upon 
either. But when Japhet conquered Japhet there was no extirjia- 
tion, and when Shem conquered Shem there was no extirpation, as 
also of Ham conquering Ham. Now as to the continent of Africa, if 
history taught any truth, they must roll back all its tide, or Africa was 
destined to be still farther colonized. As yet, die pestilence, like the 
flaming sword before the garden of the Lord, had kept the way 
hedged up, the white man and yellow man away from the spot, — re- 
served till the fit hour and people came. If we take the bodlngs of 
Providence all is well. But if we rely on the lessons of the past, the 
only means In our power to prevent the ultimate colonization of 
Africa by some strange race, and the consequent extirpation of its 
race of blacks, is to colonize it wldi blacks. If they let Shem colo- 
nize there, the blacks will be extirpated ; if they let Japhet colonize., 
the blacks will be extirpated. Africa must be undone, or she must 
be colonized with blacks ; or all history is but one prodigious lie. To 
Britain seems specially committed, by a good Providence, the desti- 
nies of Asia ; and we say to her, kindly and faithfully. Enter and cc- 
8 



58 

cupy, till Messiah come ; enter at once, lest we enter before you. 
To America, in like manner, is Africa committed. To do our Mas- 
ter's work there, we must colonize it by l)lacks, we must enlighten it 
by blacks. And when Mr. T. and his friends come to us with their 
quackery, scarcely four year's oid, and require us to forego for it our 
clearest convictions, our most cherished plans, and our most enlight- 
ened views of truth and duty, we can only say to them, " We are 
much obliged to you, but pray excuse us, gentlemen ; we have con- 
sidered the mattsr before." Every benevolent and right thinking 
person must S33 that the scheme of colonizing Africa by black men, 
is necessary to enlighten Africa, and prevent the extirpation of the 
black men thare. He would, in the fourth place, take up the ques- 
tion of chrisnarii-ing Africa, separate from the other question of mere 
civilizatlcn and preservr-tion. There were only three ways, as had 
been argued, in which the v/crlis of missions could be possibly con- 
ducted. In an admirable little treeitise on the subject, published in 
this country, and he regretted he knew not the author, or he would 
name him in pure honor, these methods were ably defined and illus- 
trated. One method Vv'as, to send out missionaries, and do the work, 
as manj^ are now attempting it, in so many lands. Another was, by 
bringing the people to be converted, to those whom God chose to 
make the means of iheir conversion. And when Britain thinks 
harshly of Am si -ca about slavery, let her remember, and melt into 
kindness at the thc-.'ght, of what we are doing to convert the tens of 
thousands of Irish Catholics she sends to us yearly. The third way 
was by colonization ; and this, in past ages, has been the great and 
glorious plan. By this, Europe became \\ hat she Is ; by this, America 
was Christianized • and he would again refer them to the little book of 
which he had spoken — v/liich, not being written by a slave owner, nor 
even an A.merican, miglit possibly be true — to convince them, that It 
was, in all cases, a most eiiicient means to save the world. But in 
this peculiar case. It seemed to be the chief, if not the only means. 
The climate salxd the black man^, v/hlle hundreds of whites had fal- 
len victims to it. So peculiar does this appear to me, that I have 
never been able to comprehend how the pious and enlightened free 
blacks of America could so long, or at all, resist the manifest call of 
God, to go and labor for Iii:n in tl'.eir father land. There she is, 
" sitting in darkness and diinklng Liced,'' — with a full capacity, and a 
perfect fitness on their parts, to enlighten, to comfort, and to save her 
— their mother, doubly requiring their care, that she knows not that 
she is blind and naked ! / nd yet they linger on a distant shore ; and 
fill die air with empty murmurs, of time and earth, and its poor vani- 
ties ; and Christian men around them caress and applaud them for 
their heathen hard-heartcdness ; and Christian communities, in their 
strange infatuation, send missions to them, to prevent them from be- 
coming the truest missionaries that the earth could furnish ! Shadows 



59 

that we are, shadows that we pursue ! It was, in the fifth place, the 
only effectual and practical mode of putting an end to the slave trade. 
There was, indeed, another way — by stopping the demand. But 
while they disputed the means of stopping the demand, there was 
another way — the stopping of the supply. This had long been an 
object dear to several nations. The government of Britain, the gov- 
ernment of America, and the governments of several other states, had 
sent several cruisers to stop the supply ; but would any slaves be 
taken from Africa, if there was even a single city on the western coast, 
with ten thousand inhabitants, and three vessels of war at their com- 
mand ? They would put an end to the trade the moment they were 
able to chastise the pirates, or make reprisals on the nations to which 
they belonged. Why is h we never hear of the stealing of an English- 
man, a German, or a Turk ? Because the thief knows that reprisals 
would be made, or that he or some of his countrymen would be chas- 
tised or stolen in return. So that all that was required, was to plant a 
city on die west coast of Africa, and this would give protection to the 
population of that country. Notliing is plainer, than that any nation 
which will make reprisals, will have none of tlie inhabitants stolen. 
If reprisals were made effective, the slave trade would be immediately 
stopped. It is the course pursued by Mr. Tliompson and his friends^ 
not the course pursued by us, v/hich is likely to continue the slave 
trade. On one hundred leagues of Africa.i coast, it is already to a 
great degree suppressed ; and if we had been aided as tlie importance 
of the cause demanded, instead of being resisted with untiring activity, 
this blessed object might now have been granted to the prayers of 
Christendom. 



60 



Mr. THOMPSON earnestly hoped that every word which Mr. 
Breckinridge had that night uttered respecting the principles of the 
Colonization Society, and what had been effected by that institution, 
would be carefully preserved ; that on other occasions, and by other 
persons, on both sides the Adantic, Mr. Breckinridge's arguments 
might be canvassed, his facts investigated, and his sentiments made 
known. I shall offer no apology (continued Mr. T.) for referring to 
a point discussed last evening, but not fairly disposed of. I am by 
no means satisfied, nor do I think the enlightened, and least of all the 
Christian world, will be satisfied with the doctrine which for two 
evenings has been laid down and maintained by Mr. Breckinridge, 
that America, as a nation, is not responsible before God for the sin of 
slavery. I cannot, sir, receive that doctrine. I cannot lightly pass it 
over. Much hinges upon tliis point, nor will I consent that America 
shall lay the flattering unction to her soul that she is not her brother's 
keeper ; that any wretches within her precincts may commit soul-mur- 
der, and she be innocent, by reason of her wilful, self induced, and 
self continued impotency. I do not believe the doctrine of " the irre- 
sponsibleness of America as a nation " to be politically sound ; still 
less do I believe it to be the doctrine of the Bible. 

Sir, I fearlessly charge America, as a nation — as the United States 
of America — as a voluntary confederacy of free republics — as living 
under one common constitution, and one common government — with 
being a nation of slave-holders, and tlie vilest and most culpable on 
the face of the earth. 

I charge America with having a slave-holding president ; with hold- 
ing seven thousand slaves at the seat of government ; with licensing the 
slave trade for four hundred dollars ; with permitting the domestic 
slave trade to the awful extent of one hundred tliousand souls per an- 
num ; with allowing prisons, built with the public money, to be made 
the receptacles of unoffending, home-born Americans, destined for 
the southern market ; with permitting her legislators and the high- 
est functionaries in the state to trample upon every dictate of 
humanity, and every principle sacred in American independence, 
by trafficking " in slaves and the souls of men." 

I charge America, " as a nation," with permitting within her 
boundaries a wide spread system, which my opponent has himself 
described as one of clear robbery, universal concubinage, horrid 
cruelty, and unilluminated ignorance. 

I charge America, before the world and God, with the awful 
crime of reducing more than two millions of her own children, 
born on her own soil, and entitled to " life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness," to the state of beasts ; withholding from them every 



61 

right, and privilege, and social or political blessing, and leaving 
them the prey of those who have legislated away the word of life, 
and the ordinances of religion, lest their victims should at any time 
see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with 
their hearts, and should assume the bearing, and the name, and the 
honors of humanity. 

I charge America, " as a nation," with being wickedly, cruelly, 
and, in the highest sense, criminally indifferent to the happiness and 
elevation of the free colored man ; with crushing and persecuting 
him in every part of the country ; with regarding him as belonging 
to a low, degraded, and irreclaimable caste, who ought not to call 
America his country or his home, but seek in Africa, on the soil 
of his ancestors, a refuge from persecution in the land which the 
English, and the Dutch, and the French, and the Irish, have 
wrested from the red men, and which they now proudly and self 
complacently, but most falsely style the ivhite man's country, 

I charge all this, and much more, upon the government of Amer- 
ica, upon the church of America, and upon x\\e people of America. 

It is idle, to say the least, to talk of rolling the guilt of the system 
upon the individual slave-holder, and the individual state. This 
cannot fairly be done while the citizens throughout the land are 
banded, confederated, united. It is the sin of the entire church. 
The Presbyterians throughout the country are one body; the Bap- 
tists are one body ; the Episcopalian Methodists are one body ; they 
acknowledge one another ; they cordially fellowship one another. 
They make the sin, if it be a sin, theirs, by owning as brethren in 
Christ Jesus, and ministers of Him, who was anointed to preach de- 
liverance to the captives, men wlx) shamelessly traffic in rational, 
blood-redeemed souls ; nay, even barter away for accursed gold, their 
own church members. It is pre-eminently the sin of the church. It 
is the sin of the people at large. It is said the laws recognize 
slavery. I reply, the entire nation is answerable for those laws. We 
hear that the " Constitution can do nothing," that " the Congress can 
do nothing," to which I reply. Woe, and shame, and guilt, and exe- 
cration must be, and ought to be, the portion of that people calling 
themselves Cliristians and republicans, who can tolerate, through half 
a century, a Constitution and a Congress that cannot prevent nor cure 
the buying and selling of sacred humanity ; the sundering of every 
fibre that binds heart to heart, and the dehumanization and butchery 
of peaceful and patriotic citizens within the territories over which they 
extend. In whatever aspect I view this question, the people, and the 
whole people, appear to be, before God and man, responsible, polit- 
ically and morally, for the sin of slave-holding. They are responsible 
for the Constitution, with any deficiencies and faults it may have, for 
they have the power, and it is therefore their duty, to amend it. They 
are responsible for the character and acts of Congress, for they make 



62 

the senators and representatives that go there. In a word, they are 
properly and solemnly responsible for that " system" of which we 
have heard so much, and for " the workings of that system ;" and I 
declare it little better than subterfuge to say, that the people of 
America, the source of power, the sovereign, the omnipotent people, 
are not responsible for the existence of slavery and all its kindred 
abominations, within the territorial limits of the United States. 

The charges which he had here made were important, grave and 
awful. He made them under the full and solenni impression of his 
accountableness to mankind, and the God of nations. He believed 
them to be true ; he was prepared to substantiate them. That not 
one tittle of them might be lost or misrepresented in Great Britain or 
America, he had penned them uith his own hand, out of his own 
heart, and he was prepared to support them in England, or in Scot- 
land, or in America itself: for he hoped yet again to visit that 
country, and there resume his advocacy of the cause of the slave. 

He would now come to the colonization question, on which he felt 
completely at home. In adverting to this question, however, he ex- 
perienced a difficulty, which he h.ad felt on many former occasions, 
that of not being able to compress v/h.at he had to say within the 
compass of one address. He v/ould not only have to reply to what 
Mr. Breckinridge had advanced, bat he would have to touch on 
topics which Mr. Breckinridge had overlooked — principles affecting 
the origin, character, and very existence of that society, which Mr. 
Breckinridge had taken under his special protection. He (Mr. T.) 
would show that the improvement of the black man's condidon was 
not the chief object of the Colonization Society ; that its operations 
sprung from that loathing of color winch might be denominated the 
peculiar sin of America. Slavery might be found in many countries,, 
but it was in America alone that tliore existed an aristocracy founded 
on the color of the skin. A race of pale-skini^d patricians, resting 
their claims to peculiar rank and jjrivileges upon the hue of the 
skin, the texture of the hair, the form of the nose, and the size of the 
calf! But for this abhorrence of color, Mr. B. would not have been 
contented with the means proposed by the Colonization Society for 
the amelioration of slavery ; he would not have spoken a word of 
colonization, or of that Golgotha, Liberia. 

Accjuainted as he (Mr. T.) v/as with America, he had been able 
to come to no other conclusion, but that the prejudice of color was 
that on which the colonization of the free negro was founded. There 
had been a great deal said of the inferior intellect of die black race, 
and of a marked deficiency in their jnoral qualities ; but these were 
not the grounds on which it was sought to expatriate them ; the in- 
justice practised towards them rested solely on the prejudice which iiad 
been excited against their external personal peculiarities. Every word 
spoken by Mr. Breckinridge in defence of colonization, went directly 



63 

to prove this. The whole scheme rested on the dark color of those 
to be expatriated. Had the sufferers been white in the skin, Mr. B. 
would have advocated immediate, complete, and everlasting 
emancipation. 

He would now turn to a matter, regarding Avhich he considered 
Mr. Breckinridge had treated the abolitionists of America with 
injustice — with unkindness — with something which he did not like 
even to name. Mr. B. had charged the abolitionists with having 
published a law as the law of the state of Maryland, which had 
never been adopted by the legislature of that state ; and when he 
(Mr. T.) had required of Mr. B. evidence in support of his grave 
allegations,, it was in this case precisely as in the case of Mr. 
Garrison and Mr. Wright, — the proofs were non est inventus. 
Now, he v/ould ask, was this fair ; was it magnanimous ; was it 
generous ; was it Christianlike ? 

The charge liad been distinctly made, and then it had been 
asked of the parties accused to prove a negative. Mr. Breckinridge 
was not likely to be long in Glasgow, and it was therefore most 
easy, and most convenient, to prefer charges which could not, 
even on the testimony of the parties implicated, be answered 
until Mr. Breckinridge v/as far away, and the poison had had 
full time to woik its effect fie (Mr. T.) would, however, give 
it as his opinion, that his fellow laborers on the other side of the 
Atlantic, w^ould triumphantly clear themselves of this and every 
other imputation, and finally emerge from the ordeal, however 
fierce, pure, untarr.ished, and unscathed. 

Such a charge, however, should not be brought against him 
(Mr. T.) The laws of Jlaryland, he cited, were to be found 
in the pages of the Colonisation Society's accredited organ, the 
African Repository, an entire set of which was on the platfonn, 
open to inspection. 

Mr. Breckinridge had taken great pains to make out a case for 
the Maryland Colonization Society. This was not to be won- 
dered at. That society was a protege of his own. It had been 
patronized and fostered by him. For it, it appeared, he had 
almost suffered marty^-dom, when, in advocating its cause in Boston, 
he had been mistaken for an abolitionist, — in that same city of 
Boston, where a gentlemanly mob of 5000 individuals, fashionably 
attired, in black, and brown, and blue cloth, had joyfully engaged 
in assaulting and dispersing a peaceful meeting of forty ladies. 

He had not yet done willi the Maryland Colonization Society. 
He was prepared to prove that it was, taken as a whole, a most 
oppressive and iniquitous scheme. The laws framed to support 
it prohibited manumission, except on condition of the removal of 
the freed slaves; thus submitting a choice of evils, both cruel to 
the last extent, — perpetual bondage, or banishment from the soil of 



64 

their birth, and the scenes and associations of infancy and youth. 
He could show, that free persons of color, coming into the state, 
were liable to be seized and sold ; and white persons inviting them, 
and harboring them, liable to the infliction of heavy fines. 

These, and similar provisions, all disgraceful and cruel, were 
the prominent features of the laws which had been framed to 
carry into effect the benevolent and patriotic designs of the 
Maryland Colonization Society ! 

That expulsion from the state was the thing intended, he 
would show from newspapers published in the state. What said the 
Baltimore Chronicle, a pro-slavery and colonization paper, at the 
time when the laws referred to were passed ? Let his auditory hear 
with attention. 

" The intention of those laws was, and their effect must be, to EXPEL the free people of 
color from this state. They will find tlicmselvcs so hemmed in by restrictions, that their 
situation cannot be otherwise than imcomfortable should they elect to remain in Maryland. 
These laws will no doubt be met by prohibitory laws in other slates, which will greatly in- 
crease the embarrassments of the people of color, and leave them no otlier alternative than to 
emigrate or remain in a very unenviable condition." 

What said the Maryland Temperance Herald of May 3, 1835 ? 

"We are indebted to the cemmiitee of publication for the first No. of the Marjland Colo- 
nization Journal, a new quarterly periodical, devoted to the cause of colonization in our state. 
Such a paper has long been necessary; we hope this will be useful. 

" Every reflecting man must be convinced, that the lime is not far distant when the safety 
of tlie country will require the EXPULSION of the blacks from its limits. It is perfect 
folly to suppose, that a foreign population, whase physical peculiarities must forever render 
them distinct from the owners of the soil, can be permitted to grow and strengthen among us 
with impunity. Let hair-brained enthusiasts sijeculale as they may, no abstract considera- 
tions of the natural rights of man, will ever elevate the ne»ro population to an equality with 
the whites. As long as tl>ey remain in the land of their bondage, iJiey will be morally, if not 
physically enslaved, and, indeed, so long as their distinct nationality is preserved, their en- 
lightenment will Ix; a measure of doubtful policy. Under such circumstances every philan- 
thropist will wish to see them removed, but gradually, and with as little violence as possible. 
For effiscting ihis purpose, no scheme is liable to so few objections, as that of African Colo- 
nization. It has been said, that this plan has effected but little — tioie, but no other has done 
any thing. We do not expect that tlie exertions of Ijenevolent individuals will be able to rid 
us of the miHii)ii.s of blacks who oppress and are oppressed by us. All they can accomplish, 
is to satisfy the public of the practicability of the scheme — tliey can make the experiment — 
tliey are making it and with success. The state of Maryland has already adopted this plan, 
and before long every Southern state will have its colony. The whole African coast will be 
strewn with cities, and then, shouhl some fearful convulsion render it necessary to the public 
fafety TO BANISH THE MULTITUDE AT ONCE, a house of refuge will have been 
provided for them in llie land of dieir fathers." 

Yet this was the plan of which the American Colonization 
Society, at its annual meeting in 1833, had spoken in the following 
terms : — 

Resolved, That the Society view, witli the highest gratification, tlie continued efforts of tlie 
State of Maryland to accomplish her patriotic and benevolent system in regard to her color- 
ed population ; and that the last appropriation by that state of two hundred thousand dollars, 
in aid of African colonization, is hailed by the friends of the system, as a BRIGHT EX- 
AMPLE to other elates. 



65 

Mr. Breckinridge had lauded the Colonization Society as a scheme 
of benevolence and patriotism. He (Mr. T.) did not mean to deny- 
that there had been many pious and excellent men found amongst 
its founders and subsequent supporters, but he was prepared to 
demonstrate that it had grown out of prejudice, was based upon 
prejudice, made its appeal to prejudice, and could not exist were the 
prejudice against the colored man conquered. It had, moreover, 
made an appeal to the fears and cupidity of the slaveholder, by set- 
ting forth, that, in its operations, it would remove from the southern 
states the most dangerous portion of the free population, and also 
enhance the value of the slaves left remaining in the country. The doc- 
trines fount^ pervading the publications of the society were of the 
most absurd and anti-christian character. He would mention three, 
viz., 1st, that Africa, and not America, was the true and appropriate 
home of the colored man ; 2dly, that prejudice against color was in- 
vincible, and the elevation of the colored man, tlierefore, while in 
America, beyond the reach of humanity, legislation and religion ; 
and, 3dly, that there should be no emancipation except for the" pur- 
poses of colonization. How truly monstrous were these doctrines I 
How calculated to cripple exertion, to retard freedom, and mark the 
colored man out as a foreigner and alien, to be driven out of the 
country as soon as the means for his removal were provided. Such 
had really been the effect of the society's views upon the public 
mind in America. If the colored man was to be expatriated be- 
cause his ancestors were Africans, then let General Jackson be sent 
to Ireland, because his parents were Irish ; and Mr. Van Buren be 
sent to Holland, because his ancestors were Dutch ; and let the same 
rule be applied to all the other white inhabitants of the country. 
Then would Great Britain, and France, and Germany, and Switzer- 
land recover their children ; America be delivered of her conquer- 
ors, and the red man come forth from the wilds and the wildernesses 
of the back country, to enjoy, in undisturbed security, the soil from 
which his ancestors had been driven. Mr. Breckinridge had said 
much respecting his (Mr. T.'s) presumption in bringing forward a 
resolution in Boston, so strongly condemning the measures and prin- 
ciples of the Colonization Society. He (Mr. T.) might be permitted 
to say, that if he had acted presumptuously, he had also acted boldly 
and honestly ; and that the auditory should know, that the resolution 
referred to had been debated for one entire evening, and from half 
past nine till half past one, the next day, with the Rev. R. R. Gur* 
ley, the secretary and agent of the Colonization Society, who, for 
eight or nine years, had been the editor of the African Repository, 
and was, perhaps, better qualified than any other man in the United 
States, to discuss the subject — always, of course, excepting his Rev. 
opponent, then on the platform. He admitted, the resolution was 
strongly worded ; that it repudiated the society as unrighteous, un- 
natural, and proscriptive ; and declared the efforts then making -to 
give strength and permanency to the institution, were a fraud upon 
9 



66 

the ignorance, and an outrage upon the intelHgence and humanity of 
the community. But this country should know that he had defended 
his propositions, face to face, with one of the ablest champions of the 
cause, before two American audiences, in the city of Boston. That 
the assembly then before him might judge of the character of the de- 
bate, and know its result, he would read a few short extracts, taken 
from a respectable daily paper, published in Boston, and entirely un- 
connected with the Abolitionists. The editor himself, B. F. Hallett, 
Esq., reported the proceedings, and thus remarked : — 

" One of the most interesting, masterly, and honorable discussions ever listened to in 
this community, took place on Friday evening and Saturday morning. The hall was as full 
as it could hold. ****** The whole discussion was a model for cour- 
tesy and christian temper in like cases, and did great credit to all parties concerned. 
We question if a public debate was ever conducted in this city, in a better spirit, and with 
more ability. There was not a discourteous word passed, through the whole, and no occur- 
rence which for an instant marred the entire cordiality with which the dispute was conducted. 
It was not men but principles that were contending, and we venture to say that no ^blic 
discussion was ever managed on higher grounds, or was more deeply interesting to an audi- 
ence. The resolution was put, all present being invited to vote. It was. cairied in the af- 
firmative with FOUR voices in the negative." 

So said the Boston Daily Advocate. 

The following extracts from the published addresses of some of 
the most eminent and gifted supporters of the Colonization Society, 
would show, that the compulsory removal of the colored population, 
had from the first been contemplated. If it was replied, " You can- 
not find compulsion in the Constitution," he (Mr. T.) would rejoin, 
No ; but herein consists the wickedness and hypocrisy of the scheme ; 
that while it puts forth a fair face in its constitution, it does, really and 
in truth, contain the elements of all oppression. The written consti- 
tution of the Society was but tlie robe of an angel, covering an im- 
placable and devouring demon. He would make another remark, 
also, before submitting the extracts in his hand. Mr. Breckinridge 
had strenuously endeavored to lay the guilt of the oppressive laws in 
the south upon the Abolitionists, declaring that those laws had re- 
sulted from the spread of Anti-slavery principles. From the passages 
about to be cited, and, more especially, from the words of Mr. Clay, 
it would be found, that long prior to the " quackery" of the Aboli- 
tionists, there had existed harsh and cruel laws, calling forth the re- 
grets and censures of Slaveholders themselves. Even admitting the 
truth of what Mr. B. had said, did it follow that the truth should not 
therefore be published. By no means. The Israelites, in their 
bondage, murmured against the measures of him whom God had 
raised up to deliver them, and complained that their burdens had 
increased since Pharaoh had been remonstrated with. He would 
quote, for the benefit of Mr. B. a very laconic remark, by an old 
commentator, " When the bricks are doubled, Moses is near." 

1. Charles Carrol Harper, Son of General Harper, to the voters of Baltimore, 1S26. 
Af. Kepy., vol. 2. page 188. For several years the subject of Abolition of Slavery has 
been brought before you. I am decidedly ojiposed to the project recommended. No sclieme 
of abolition will meet my support, that leaves the emancipated blacks among us. Experi- 
ence has proved that they become a corrupt and degraded class, as burtheusome to thcm- 
sebf. , iii- thuy arc liurtlul to the rti;t of society. 



67 

Again, page 189, " To permit the blacks to remain amongst us after their emancipatioa, 
would be to aggravate, and not to cure the evil." 

2. Extracted with approbation from the Public Ledger, Richmond, Indiana, Af. Repy., 
vol. 3. page 26. " We would say, liberate them only on condition of their going to Africa 
or Hayti." 

3. fixtracts from an address delivered at Springfield, before the Hamden Col. Society, 
July 4th, 1828. By Wra. B. O. Peabody, Esq. publislied by request of the Society. Af. 
Repy., vol. 4. page 226. "I am not complaining of tlie owners of Slaves ; they cannot 
get rid of them; it would be as humane to throw them from the decks in tlie middle pas- 
sage, as to set tliem free in our country." t'pon which the following eulogy is pronounced, 
page 2S0. " We need hardly say tliat Mr. Peabody's address is an excellent one. May its 
spirit universally pervade and animate the minds of our countrymen. 

4. Extracts from an Address to the Col. Socy. of Kentucky, at Frankfort, Dec. 17lh., 
1829, by the Hon. Henry Clay. Af. Repy., vol. 6, page 5. " If the question were sub- 
mitted, whether tliere should be immediate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the 
United States, without their removal or colonization, painful as it is to express the opinion, 
I have no doijbt it would be unwise to emanripafe them. For I believe that the aggre- 
gate of the evils which would be engendered in Society, upon the supposition of such general 
emancipation, and of the liberated slaves remaining promiscuously among us, would be 
greater than all the evils of Slavery, great as they unquestionably are." 

Again, page 12. " Is there no remedy, I again ask, for the evils of which I have sketched 
a faint and imperfect pictinel Is our posterity doomed to endure forever, not only all the 
ills flowing from the state of Slavery, but all which arise from incongruous elements of pop- 
ulation, separated from each other by invincible prejudices, and by natural causes '! What- 
ever may be the character of the remedy proposed, we may confidently pronounce it inade- 
quate, unless it provides efhcaciously for the total and absolute separation, by an extensive 
space of water or of land, at least of the white portion of our population, from that which is 
free of the colored." 

5. Extracts fioni the speech of Geo. Washington Park Curtis at the 14th Annual meeting 
of the Amer. Col. Soc, Af. Repy., vol. 6. page 371 — 2. " Some benevolent minds in the 
overflowings of their philanthropy, advocate amalgamation of the two classes, saying, let 
the colored classes be freed and remain among ns as denizens of die empire; surely all 
classes of mankind are alike descended from the primitive parentage of Eden, then why not 
intermingle in one common society as friends and brothers. No, Sir; no. I hope to prove, 
at no very distant day, that a Southron can make sacrifices for the cause of Colonization 
beyond seas, but for a Home Department in those matters, I lepeat no. Sir; no. What 
right, I demand, have the children of Africa to a homestead in the white man's country 1 

" If, as is most true, the crimes of the white man robbed Africa of her sons, let atonement 
be made by returning the descendants of the stolen to the clime of their ancestors, and 
then all the claims of redeeming justice will have been discharged. There let centuries of 
future rights, atone for centuries of past wrongs. Let the regenerated African rise to 
Empire; nay, let Genius floiuish, and Philosophy shed its miUl beams to enlighten and 
instruct the posterity of Ham, returning ' redeemed and disenllnalled ' from tlieir long captivity 
in the new world. But, Sir, be all these benefits enjoyed by the Afiican race under the 
shade of their native palms. Let the Atlantic billow heave its high and everlasting barrier 
between their country and ours. Let this fair land which the white man won by his 
chivalry, which he has adorned by the arts and elegancies of polished life, be kept sacred for 
his descendants, untarnished by the footprint of him who hath ever been a slave." 

6. Mr. Henry Clay's speech, beibre the Society, January 1st, 1818 — 2d Annual Report, 
page 110. " Further, several of the slaveholding states had, and perhaps all of them v\ould, 
prohibit entirely, emancipation, without some such outlet was created. A sense of their own 
safety required the painful prohibition. Experience proved that persons turned loose who 
were neither freemen nor slaves, constituted a great moral evil, threatening to contaminate all 
parts of society. Let the colony once be successfully planted, and legislative bodies who 
have been grieved at the necessity of passing those ' prohibitory laws,' which at a distance 
might appear to ' stain our codes,' will hasten to remove the impediments to the exercise of 
benevolence and humanity. Thev vvill annex the condition that the emancipated shall leave 
the country, and he has placed a false estimate upon liberty, who believes there are many 
who would refuse the boon, when coupled even witli such a condition." 

Here there was compulsion, both in principle and precept. In 
the laws of Maryland, and elsewhere, were fotind abundant evidences 
of compulsion in practice, and where there were no direct acts forcing 
them to depart, a public sentiment had been created, which, in its 
manifold operations, brought the colored man, crushed and hopeless, to 
the conclusion, that it would be better for him to say farewell to 



6S 

home and country, than remain a proverb and a nuisance amongst a 
prejudiced and persecuting people. No colored man could justly be 
said to go to Liberia, or elsewhere, with his free and unconstrained 
consent, until the laws were equal, the treatment kind, prejudice 
founded on complexion destroyed, and he presented himself a volun- 
tary agent, and asked the means to transport him to a foreign shore. 
As one proof that compulsion had been openly and unblushingly ad- 
vocated, he would quote the words of Mr. Broadnax in the Virginia 
House of Delegates : — 

" It is idle to talk about not i-esoiling to force; even- body iriMst look to the introduction 
of force of some kind or other — and it is in truth a question of expediency, of moral justice, 
of political good faith — whether we shall fairly delineate our whole system on the face of the 
bill, or leave the acquisition of extorted consent to oilier processes. The real question, the 
only question of magnitude to be settled, is the great preliminary question — Do you intend 
to send the free persons of color out of Virginia, or not ! 

" If tlie free negroes are willing to go, liiey will go — if not willing they must be compel- 
led to go. Some gentlemen think it politic not now to insert this feature in the bill, though 
they proclaim their readiness to resort to it when il becomes necessary; theytliink that for a 
year or two a sufficient number will consent to go, and then (he rest can be compelled. For 
my part, I deem it better to approach the question and sellle it at once, and avow it openly. 

" I have already expressed it as my opinion tliiit f.:\v, very few, will voluiitanly con- 
sent to emigrate if no C031l'UL.SORY mc:'.sure be adoiicd. 

" I will not express, in its full extent, the idea I entertain of what has been done, or what 
enormities will be perpetrated to induce this dnj-s of p'ersons to leave the State. Who does 
not know iliat when a free negro, by crime or otherwiire, has rendered himself obnoxious to 
a nei^ihborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one nighl, take him from his bed and 
family, and apply to him the gentle admonition of a SEVr^RE FLAGELLATION, to in- 
duce him to consent to go away ] In a few nights the dose can be repeated, perhaps increas- 
ed, until, in the language of tiie physician, quantum sufficit lias been administered to produfce 
the desired operation ; and the fellow then bccoinss PERFECTLY WILLING to move 
away. 

Finally, on this part of the subject, he would cite the Rev. R. J. 
Breckinridge, who, at the annual meeting of the American Coloniza- 
tion Society, in 1834, had used the ibHowing language : — 

" Two years ago I warned the Managers of this Virginia business, and vet they sent out 
TWO SHIP-LOADS OF VAGABONDS, not fit to go to such a place, and they were 
COERCED away as truly as if it had been done witli a CART-WHIP. 

His grand complaint against the Colonization Society was this — 
that instead of grappling with the reigning prejudices of the commu- 
nity, it falsely assumed the insensihUitij of those prejudices, and pro- 
ceeded to legislate accordingly. Tliey thus sanctioned and perpetu- 
ated the greatest sources of suffering and wrong to the colored popula- 
tion. The prejudice against the people of color had greatly increased 
since the formation of the Society. The present supporters of the 
Society were those who thoroughly loathed the free people of color, 
and the most cruel and sanguinary opponents of the Abolitionists 
were the boisterous defenders of the American Colonization Society. 
For example, when a mob assailed the inhabitants in New York, 
broke up their meetings, assaulted their persons, and sacked the house 
of Mr. Lewis Tappan, that mob could, in the midst of their rufiian- 
like and felonious exploits, most unanimously and heartily shout, 
" Tiiree cheers for the Colonization Society," and " away w ith the 



69 

niggers." In travelling in steamboats and stage coaches, he (Mr, T.) 
had invariably found that his most furious and malignant opponents, 
and the most determined haters of tlie black man, were loud in their 
profession of attachment to the princij)!es and plans of the society. 
Why had not the wise and benevolent members of the society de- 
nounced that prejudice ? Because the best among them were them- 
selves partakers of that prejudice. It was evident, from all that Mr. 
Breckinridge had said, that he was deeply imbued with that preju- 
dice. It gave tone, and color, and direction to all his remarks. 
Such men might profess to love the black man, but they were likely 
to be suspected of insincerity, when they uniformly manifested their 
love by driving the object of it as far away as possible. Such a 
mode of expressing love was contrary to all our ideas of. the natural 
manifestations of that feeling. If the Colonization Society was in- 
deed so full of benevolence and mercy, how was it that its character 
was so misunderstood by the colored people, for w hose special benefit 
it had been orig;inated ? Surely they were likely to be the best 
judges of its effect upon their welfare and happiness. What was the 
fact ? The entire free colored population of tb.e United States were 
opposed to the expatriating project. But his opponent would say it 
was owing to the abuse poured upon the society by the foul-mouthed 
Abolitionists. He (Mr. T.) should, however, deprive the gentleman 
of this refuge, by laying before the meeting a very interesting fact, 
which would at once show the feeling of the colored people when the 
plan was first submitted to them. It would show, that in a meeting 
of three thousand, convened in the city of Philadelphia, to decide 
whether the society should, or should not, receive their countenance, 
they decided agoinst it without a dissentient voice. He would lay 
before them a letter written by a highly respectable, enlightened, and 
wealthy gentleman of color in Philadelphia, Mr. James Forten. The 
letter was written to the editor of the New England Spectator, in 
consequence of a remark made by Mr. Gurley, during the debate in 
Boston. 

Philadelphia, June lOtli, 1835. 

Rev. W. S. Porter, — Dear Sir, — I clieerfuUy comply witli tlie leqiiest contained in 
your note of the 3il inst., to ijive you a brief statement of a meeting held iTi 1817, by tlie 
people of color in this city, to express tlieir opinion on the Liberia project. It was the 
lar£;est meeting of colored persons ever convened in Philadelphia, — I will say 2000, though 
I might safely add 500 more. To show you the deep interest evinced, this large assemblage 
remained in almost breathless and fixed attention during the reading of the resolutions and 
the other business of the meeting; and when the question was put in the affirmative you 
might have heard a pin drop, so profound was the silence. But when in the negative, one 
long, loud, ay, tremendous NO, from this vast audience, seemed as if it would bring down 
the walls of the building. Never did there appear a more unanimous opinion. Every heart 
seemed to feel that it was a life and death question. Yes, even then, at the very onset, when 
tlie monster came in a guise to deceive some of oar fnniest friends, who hailed it as the 
dawning of a brighter day for our oppressed race, — even then we penetrated through its 
thickly-laid covering, and beheld it prospectively as the scourge which in after yeai's was to 
grind us to the earth, and, by a series of imrelenting jiersecuiion, force us into involuntary 
exile. 

I was not a little surprised to learn that Mr. Gurley professed to be ignorant of this fact; 
for in the African Repository he reviewed Mr. Garrison's Thoughts on African Coloniza- 
tion; ftnd a whole chapter of the work, if I mistake not, is taken up with the sentiment? of 



70 

the people of color on colonization, commencing with the Philadelphia meeting. Perhaps 
Mr. Gurley did not read that chapter. But if his memory is not very treaciierous, he ought 
to have known the circumstance, for I related it to him myself in a conversation which I 
had with him at my house one evening, in company with the Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge, 
and our beloved friend, William Lloyd Garrison. The subject of colonization was warmly 
discussed; and I well recollect bringing our meeting of 1817 forward as a proof of our early 
and decided opposition to the measure. No doubt Mr. Garrison also remembers it. 

Three meetings were held by us in 1817. Tlie two first you will find in the " Thoughts 
on Colonization," part 2d, page 9. Of the protest and remonstrance adopted at the third 
meeting, I send you an exact copy. It is in answer to an address to the citizens of New 
York and Philadelphia, calling upon them to aid a number of persons of color, whom they 
said were anxious to join the projected colony in Africa. Those persons were mostly from 
the soulli, and it was to disabuse the public mind on this subject, that our meeting was held. 
I remain, with great respect, 

Yours, JAMES FORTEN. 

He (Mr. T.) could pledge himself that such were still the feelings 
of the free colored people of America. Wherever they possessed a 
glimmering of light upon the subject, they utterly abhorred the society, 
and would as soon consent to be cut to pieces, as sent to any of the 
colonies prepared for their reception. Was it not then too bad that 
Christians should be called upon to support a society so utterly at ' 
variance with the wishes and feelings of the parties most nearly con- 
cerned ? As a few moments yet remained, he would occupy it in 
quoting the opinions of two gentlemen, ministers of religion, and 
standing high in tlieir own country, who had furnished lamentable 
evidence of the extent to which prejudice might possess otherwise 
strong and enlarged minds. The first quotation was from a report of 
a committee at the Theological Seminary at Andover, Massachu- 
setts, presented to the Colonization Society of that institution in 1823. 
It was from the pen of die Rev. Leonard Bacon, now pastor of a 
Congregational church at New Haven, Connecticut. 

" The Soodra is not farther separated from the Brahmin, in regard fo all his privileges, 
civil, intellectual, and moral, than the negro is from the white man, by tlie prejudices which 
result from the difference made between them by the God of nature. A barrier more diffi- 
cult to be surmounted than the institution of die Caste, cuts off, and while the present state 
of society continues, must always cut off, the negro from all that is valuable in citizenship." 

The other was his opponent on that platform ; who, in a letter to 
the New York Evangelist, had said, that emancipation, to be fol- 
lowed by amalgamation, at the option of the parties, would be reck- 
less wickedness. But lest he should misrepresent that gentleman, he 
would turn to the paper, and quote the passage cited. 

" I know that any abolition without the consent of the States holding the slaves, is impos- 
sible; that to obtain this coiLsent on any terms, is very difficult; — that to obtain it without 
the prospect of cxtciisivo removal by colonization, is impossible; that to obtain it instantly 
on any IcniH, is lln' iIicmmi of lL;iioi;\iiee ; llial to expert it liislantly willi suli>einieiit e(|nality, 

is fraiillr I -in>r; mill lli:il to ilciniuiil it, as an iiislaiit rlj^lit, ines|)e(tive of eonseciuences, 

and to be folloued by amalgamation at tlie option of the parties, is RECKLESS WICK- 
EDNESS ! " 

All the alarm created on the subject of amalgamation was totally 
unfounded. The views of tlie Abolitionists were simple and scrip- 
tural. They held that Uiere should be no distinctions on account of 
color. That to treat a man with coldness, unkindncss, or contempt, 



7[ 

on account of his complexion, was to quarrel with the Maker of us 
all. They held that this prejudice should be given up, and the col- 
ored man be treated as a white man, according to his intellect, mo- 
rality, and fitness for the duties of civil life. They did not interfere 
with those tastes by which human beings were regulated in entering 
into the nearest and most permanent relations of lite. They confined 
themselves to the exhibition of gospel truth upon the subject, and 
left it to an overruling and watchful Providence to guard and control 
the consequences springing from a faithful and fearless discharge of 
duty. Mr. Thompson concluded, by observing, that he considered 
the readiest way to make men curse their existence and their God, 
was to oppress and enslave them on account of that complexion, and 
those peculiaititieS;, which the Creator of the world had stamped upon 
them. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE said, he would commence with a slight 
allusion to two references which had been made to himself by Mr. 
Thompson. And in regard to certain passages which had been read 
from speeches of his, he would only say, that he had never written or 
uttered a single word on this subject, whicli lie would not rejoice to see 
laid before the British public. But he had a right to complain of the 
manner in which these passages had been quoted. It was not fair, 
he contended, to break down a passage, and read only half a sen- 
tence, passing over the other half because it would not answer the 
purpose of the reader ; in fact, because it would alter the sense of the 
passage altogether. He charged Mr. T. with having been guilty of 
this in the last quotation which he had made, and, in order to show 
the true meaning of the garbled passage, he would read it as it stood : 
[See the passage as it appears in Mr. T.'s speech.] He had read this 
the more particularly, in order to show the consistency of his present 
opinions with those which he had held and uttered two years ago. 
They would now perceive, he said, that when the sentence was given 
entire, he said, that setting the slaves free without reference to con- 
sequences, constituted a material and an omitted part of that pro- 
cedure, which he had characterized as reckless wickedness, whereas 
by breaking it up in the middle, he was made to say, that to permit 
voluntary amalgamation, after instant abolition, was by itself to be 
so considered. He was now ready to defend this statement as he 
had at first made it. 

The next thing he would refer to, was the report of a speech which 
he [Mr. B.] had delivered at an annual meeting of the American Col- 
onization Society. And with regard to it, if he was in America, he 
would say, decidedly, that it was not a fair report : that it was an un- 
fair report, got up by Mr. Leavitt, the editor of the New York Evan- 
gelist, to serve a special purpose. He would not deny that he had 
said something which might give a pretext for the report. He had 
charged the parent society with having been guilty of a gross derelic- 
tion of duty to the colony and the cause, in sending away two ships' 
cargoes of negroes to Liberia, who were not fit for that place, and he 



72 

believed that those two expeditions had done much to injure the col- 
ony itself, as well as to impair public confidence in the firmness and 
judiciousness of the parent board. They were emigrants unfit to be 
sent out — the refuse of the couiuies around South Hampton in Virginia; 
who were hurried out by the violent state of public sentiment in that 
region, after the insunection and massacre there. Like a man con- 
scious of rectitude, he had gone to the very parties concerned, and 
declared his grounds of complaint; a line of conduct he could not too 
often commend to Mr. Thompson, and no proof could be more con- 
clusive than this anecdote afforded, that the active friends of coloni- 
zation in America, however they might differ about details, meant 
kindly by the blacks, and by Africa. Mr. B. again expressed his 
surprise that Mr. Thompson should occupy the time of the meeting 
by repeating his own speeches. He had adverted to this matter be- 
fore, he said, and as he was in a poor state of health, and had work 
elsewliere, and as there was much ground yet to go over, and Mr. T. 
declared his materials to be most abundant, he thought those repeti- 
tions might have been spared. They who took the trouble to read 
the published speeches of this gentleman, would find, that however 
exhaustless might be the boasted stores of his facts, proofs, and illus- 
trations, about what he called " American Slavery," he was exceed- 
ingly economical of them. After reading six or seven of them, he 
found them so very like each other, that the same stories, in the same 
order, and the same illustrations, in the same sequence, and the same 
unfounded charges, in the same terms of unmeasured bitterness, may be 
often expected, and never in vain. Indeed, so meagre was his supply 
of wit, even, that it also went on very few changes. The whole case 
exhibiting a most striking illustration of the truth uttered in a })ersonal 
sense by one of their own statesmen and scholars, and now proved to 
be of general application, namely, that when a man resorted to his 
memory for his jokes, it was very probable that he would draw upon 
his imagination for his facts. As he [Mr. B.] had been so often 
asked to produce certain placards for the purpose of substantiating 
some of his statements, there could be no better connexion in which 
to call upon Mr. Thompson to bring forward proof of those charges 
which he brought against certain persons, and classes of persons, un- 
less he wished the world to believe that he had brought those charges 
without having a single iota of evidence on which to found them. He 
would call upon JVlr. Thompson to bring forward his proofs in 
support of all those charges, those reckless and extravagant charges, 
which he lirought against the ministers of religion in America. Mr. 
Thompson had stood before several London audiences with a run- 
away slave from America, who charged certain individuals with un- 
paralleled cruelty ! Amongst odicr things, with burning a slave 
alive ; a matter to which Mr. T's attention had in vain been called, 
and his proofs demanded. He would take no further notice of the 
gross things he had uttered of the president of the United States than 
to say, that if he (Mr. B.) could condescend to imitate his conduct; 



73 

and utter ribaldrous things of the king of Great Britain, he should 
richly deserve to be turned with contempt out of this sacred place. 
He would proceed, then, with his remarks on the Maryland coloniza- 
tion scheme. They had been told by Mr. T. that the object of the 
JMaryland society was compulsory expatriation, as a condition prece- 
dent to freedom. When proof of this was required, he could bring 
none ; and when he (Mr. B.) had showed that it was not so, but that 
its object was of unmixed good to the blacks, an object accomplished 
as to many, on their showing, in the proof produced, Mr. Thompson 
turned round, and said, that it was entirely contrary to his precon- 
ceived notions, and repeated statements, and must be false ! But 
facts were better than notions and statements both. And what 
were the facts in the present case ? Why, that on the one hand Mr. 
Thompson asserts that no slave can be manumitted in Maryland ex- 
cept he will instantly depart the country ; whereas Messrs. Harper, 
Howard and Hoffman assert, in an official report, on the 31st of last 
December, that 299 manumissions within that state had been officially 
reported to them within a year, and 1101 within four years. At the 
same moment I have produced a record of the very names and peri- 
ods of emigration, of 140, bond and free, all told, who, within the 
same four years, under the action of the very laws in question, had 
gone from the state ; admitting half of whom to be of those particu- 
lar manumitted slaves, there would be left 1021 more of them to 
prove that Mr. T. either totally misunderstaod, or mis-stated, that of 
which he affirms — either way, his assertions are demonstrated to be 
untrue. As to the laws of Maryland, of which mention had been 
made, he had not seen them since his visit to Boston two years ago, 
and in adverting to them he had stated in general terms what he un- 
derstood them to be. The great object of these laws was said to be 
the driving out of the free blacks from the state of Maryland. Now 
that the means taken to promote this end were not of that grinding 
and iniquitous character which Mr. Thompson had represented them 
as being, would be sufficiently obvious to the meeting, when it was 
considered that in that state there were three times the number of free 
persons of color, than were to be found in the majority of the free 
states, and considerably more than there were in any other state in 
the Union. If the laws were found more oppressive in Maryland, 
how did it come that the free blacks congregated there from all other 
parts of America ? Or if they were set free by the people so much 
opposed to their increase, why did they not rather go to Pennsylva- 
nia, which was separated from Maryland only by an imaginary line, 
and where free blacks enjoyed almost the same rights as white men ? 
But, again, it was said, that that colonization scheme was an awfully 
wicked scheme, because it sought to prevent the increase of free per- 
sons of color in Maryland. But if this were a grievous sin, were the 
people of Great Britain not equally guilty in sending away out of the 
country ship loads of paupers, free whites, toother parts of the globe, 
in order to prevent the increase of pauperism in this country ? Why 
10 



74 

had not this branch of the subject been adverted to by Mr. Thomp- 
son ? Why had he not, in the paroxysms of his enfuriated eloquence, 
while abusing the American colonizationists, not included the king 
and parliament of Britain for allowing the existence of laws, or if 
there be no such law, for a practice rife in England, of expatriating 
thousands of paupers not only by contributions, but at the public ex- 
pense. He would be told that the paupers were sent away to dis- 
tant parts of the globe, where they would be more comfortable in 
every respect than they were at present. And had Mr. T. bowels of 
compassion only for the black man ? Is it lawful to export a white 
man against his will, at the public charge, while it is unlawful to ex- 
port a black man, with his free consent, by private benevolence ? Is 
America so detestable a place, that England may lawfully make her 
the receptacle of the refuse of the poor houses of the realm ; while 
Africa is so sacred a place, that no one that can even do her good is 
to be permitted to go there from America, if his skin is dark ? May 
Britain say, she has more paupers than she can support, and so make 
it state policy to force emigration from Ireland, by a system which 
makes a quarter of the people there beg bread eight months out of 
twelve, and produces inexpressible distress ; and yet is Maryland to 
be precluded, on any account, or upon any terms, from seeking the 
diminution, or rather preventing the disproportionate increase, of a 
population, anomalous, and difficult of proper regulation ? He should 
be most happy to receive an explanation of these strange contradic- 
tions ! There was another feature of the Maryland laws, which he 
might mention, which forbade the emigration of slaves into Maryland, 
even along with their owners. Mr. Thompson had prudently omitted 
all notice of that enactment, while he had said a great deal about the 
registration of free persons of color, as if it were a most intolerable 
hardship. He (Mr. B.) was unable to see in what respect the great 
hardship consisted. Was not every freeholder in this country regis- 
tered ? But the free black was not allowed to leave the state of 
Maryland without giving notice, it was said. There was nothing very 
oppressive in all that. It was no worse interference on the part of the 
government, than for the king of Great Britain to say to his subjects, 
You must return home under certain contingencies ; you shall not 
dwell in particular places, nor fight for certain nations. Were the 
governments of America, because they were republicans, not to have 
the power which other nations had, of controlling the actions of that 
portion of their poj)ulation, whose movements must be regarded by all 
who regarded the peace of society or the public good. He admitted, 
that some of the laws in several of the states were hard and severe in 
reference to the free colored population, bnt while he said so, it was 
but fair to add that he considered the conduct of the abolitionists, in 
spreading their new fangled notions, had done much to alter these 
laws for the worse. In many instances the bad laws had become 
worse, and good laws had become bad, solely through the impiiident 
conduct of Mr. Thompson's associates. And this specific law of 



75 

registration, and loss of right of residence, by removal for any consid- 
erable time out of the state, was obviously intended to prevent free 
persons of color from going out and becoming imbued with false and 
bloody theories, and then returning to disturb the public peace. The 
law says to them, Abide at home, or, if you prefer it, depart, and 
find a home more to your mind ; but if you go, prudence requests 
us to prohibit your return. Mr. T.'s complaints of this enactment, 
showed how necessary it was to have made it. 

In conclusion, he would recommend to Mr. Thompson, should he 
ever return to America, he need not be so tremendously prudent in 
regard to his personal safety, if he would just not be so tremendously 
imprudent in the principles and proceedings he advocated, and the 
statements ho made with regard to the conduct of the American peo- 
ple. He had now gone over the assertions of Mr. Thompson, re- 
garding the Maryland colonization scheme, and he trusted that he had 
shown the unfounded nature of those assertions. All that had been 
said by Mr. T. as to the principles and objects of the coloniza- 
tionists, and the scope and influence of their course, had no other 
proof than the writings of those persons, who for some years, had 
formed a very small portion of the supporters of this great interest ; 
and who, without exception, belonged to those classes, who at 
first, as had already been admitted, supported it, for reasons, some 
of which were entirely political, others perhaps severe to the 
slaves, and others unjust or inconsiderate towards the free blacks. 
But that directly opposite views, statements and arguments, could be 
more amply procured from the still greater, and still proportionately 
increasing party, who support this cause, as a great benevolent and 
religious operation, must be perfectly known to the individual him- 
self. If he admit this, said Mr. B., it will show his present course to 
be of the same uncandid kind with all the rest of his conduct towards 
America, in selecting what answered his purpose ; that always being 
the worst thing he could find, and representing it as a fair sample of 
all. It will do more, it will show that what he calls proof is no proof 
at all. But if he denies my repeated representations as to the various 
classes of the original supporters of the parent society, and the present 
state of them, 1 am equally content ; as, in that case, all America 
would have a fair criterion by which to test his statements. As to 
the Maryland plan, and that pnrsued by the united societies of Phil- 
adelphia and New York, if they have any supporters except such as 
love the cause of the black man, of temperance, and of peace, the 
world has yet to find it out. 

The time being expired, Mr. B. sat down. 



76 



FOURTH NIGHT — THURSDAY, JUNE 16. 

Mr. THOMPSON said that before proceeding to the subject 
decided upon for that evening's discussion, he must, in justice to 
himself and his cause, offer a remark or two. He had on the 
previous evening been struck with surprise at the extraordinary 
injustice of charging him (Mr. T.) with quoting unfairly from 
the letter of Mr. Breckinridge in the New- York Evangelist. 
It must have been obvious to all, that in the first instance, he 
quoted from memory, but all would recollect with the avowed 
wish of avoiding misrepresentation, he had gone to his table — 
produced the letter, and read the passage entire without the 
omission or interpolation of a letter or a comma. He, therefore, 
emphatically denied the charge of garbling. Mr. Breckin- 
ridge did himself, immediately afterwards, read the passage, 
and read it precisely as he (Mr. Thompson) had read it. The 
imputation, therefore, was equally unfounded and unfair. He 
(Mr. T.) was thankful that his argument needed not such help. 
It would be as absurd as it would be wicked for him to attempt 
to support his cause by any garbled statement. 

He begged also that it might be distinctly understood that 
he had by no means exhausted the evidence in his possession 
on the subject of Colonization. He could adduce a thousand 
times as much as that which had been already brought for- 
ward. He had much to say of the colony at Liberia; the 
means taken to establish it, the nature of the climate, the 
character of the emigrants, the mortality amongst the settlers, 
how much it had done towards the suppression of the slave 
trade, &/C. In fact, he was prej)ared with overwhelming evi- 
dence upon every branch of the subject, and was willing to re- 
turn to it at any moment, confident that the arguments he 
could produce, and the facts by which he could support them, 
would, in the estimation of the public, destroy forever the 
claim of the Coloiiiziition Society to be considered a pure, 
]H'aceful, c,v IvoiH'voJc'iii institution. I now, (said Mr. T.) come 
to the topic iniuu'diatciy before ns. 

It is my solemn and responsible duty to bring before you 



77 

to-night the principles and measures of a large, respectable, and 
powerful body in the United States, known by the name of 
Immediate Abolitionists. A body of individuals embracing 
not fewer than fifteen hundred ministers of the gospel, and men 
of the highest station and largest attainments. A body of per- 
sons that have been charged upon this platform with being a 
handfull, " so small that they could not obtain their object, and 
so erroneous {despicable was, I believe, the word used) as not 
to deserve success," — charged with being the enemies of the 
slave-holder — taking him by the throat, and saying "you 
great thieving, man-stealing villain, unless you instantly give 
your slaves, hberty, I will pitch you out of this third-story 
window," — charged with carrying in their track a pestilence 
like a storm of fire and brimstone from hell ; forcing ministers 
of religion to seek peacful villages not yet blasted by it, — 
charged with saying that they were sent from God, when they 
possessed the fury of demons, — charged, finally, with having 
"thrown the cause" of emancipation "a hundred years farther 
back than it was five years ago." These are fearful indict- 
ments, and Mr. Breckinridge has a weighty duty to fulfil 
to-night, for he is bound to sustain them. They have been 
brought by himself, a Christian minister, the professed friend of 
the slave ; and he must, therefore, abundantly support them by 
incontrovertible evidence, or stand branded before the world as 
the worst foe of human freedom — the foul calumniator of the 
friends and advocates of the oppressed, the suffering, and the 
dumb. 

He would lay the principles of the American abolitionists 
before the audience in the words of their solemn and official 
documents. He would go back to the commencement of the 
five years mentioned by his opponent, and read from the " Con- 
stitution of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society," a 
lucid exposition of the principles and objects of the first Anti- 
Slavery Society (technically so called) in the United States. 

" We, the undersigned, hold that every person of tuH age and sane mind, has a 
right to immediate freedom from personal bondage of wliatsoever kind, unless im- 
posed by the sentence of the law for the commission of some crime. 

We hold that man cannot, consistently with reason, religion, and the eternal and 
immutable principles of justice, be the property of man. 

We hold that whoever retains his fellow man in bondage, is guilty of a grevious 
wrong. 

We hold that a mere difference of complexion is no reason why any man should 
be deprived of any of his natural rights, or subjected to any political disability. 

While we advance these opinions as the principles on which we intend to act, we 
declare that we will not operate on the existing relations of society by other than 
peaceful and lawful means, and that we will give no countenance to violence or 
insurrection. 

Witli tliese views, we agree to form ourselves into a society, and to be governed 
by the rules specified in the following constitution, viz: 

Article 1. This Society shall be called the New-England Anti-Slavery Society. 

Article 2. The object of the society will be to endeavor, by all means sane, 
tioned by law, humanity, and relijion, to effect the Abolition of Slavery in th^ 



78 

United States, to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, 
to inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and 
obtain for them equal civil and pohtical rights and privileges with the whites." 

He would now pass on to the formation of the National 
Anti-Slavery Society, in December, 1833, and submit all that 
was material in the " Constitution of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society." 

Article 2. The object of this Society is the entire abolition of slavery in the 
United States. While it admits that each State in which Slavery exists has, by the 
Constitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its 
abolition in that State, it shall aim to convince all our fellow-citizens, by arguments 
addressed to their understandings and consciences, that slave-holding is a hemoua 
crime in the sight of God ; and that the duty, safety, and best interest of all con- 
cerned, require its immediate abandonment, without expatriation. The Society 
will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, to influence Congress, to put an end to 
the domestic slave trade ; and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our com- 
mon country which come under its control, especially in the district of Columbia, 
and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any State that may hereafter be ad- 
mitted to the Union. 

Akiicle 3. This Society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the 
people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, 
and by removmg public prejudice ; that thus they may, according to their intellec- 
tual and moral worth, share an equality with the whites of civil and religious priv- 
ileges ; but tlie Society will never in any way countenance the oppressed in vindi- 
cating their rights by resorting to physical force. 

Article 4. Any person who consents to the principles of this Constitution, who 
contributes to the funds of this Society, and is not a slave-holder, may be a mem- 
ber of this Society, and shall be entitled to a vote at its meetings." 

He would next read the " Preamble" to the Constitution of 
the New-Hampshire State Anti-Slavery Society : 

" The most high God hath made of one blood all the families of man to dwell 
on the face of all the earth, and hath endowed all alike with the same inalienable 
rights, of which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; yet there are now 
in this land, more than two millions of human beings, possessed of the same 
deathless spirits, and heirs to the same immortal hopes and destinies with ourselves, 
who are nevertheless deprived of these sacred rights, and kept in the most cruel 
and abject bondage; a bondage under which human beings are bred and fattened 
for the market, and then bought, sold, mortgaged, leased, bartered, fettered, tasked, 
scourged, beaten, killed, hunted even like the veriest brutes, — nay, made often the 
unwilling victims of ungodly lust; while, at the same time, their minds are, by 
law and custom , generally shut out from all access to letters, and in various otiier ways 
all their upward tendencies are repressed and crushed, so as to make their " moral 
and relii/JDUs condition such that they may justly be considered the heathen of this 
country ; " and since we regard such oppiession as one of the greatest wrongs that 
man can commit against his fellow ; and existing as it does, and tolerated as it is, 
under this free and Christian government, sapping its foundation, bringing its in- 
stitutions into contempt among other nations, thus retarding the march of freedom 
and religion, and strengthening the hands of despotism and irreligion throughout 
the world ; and since we deem it a duty to ourselves, to our government, to the 
world, to the oppressed, and to God, to do all we can to end this oppression, and to 
secure an immediate and entire emancipation of the oppressed; and believe we can 
act most efficiently in the case, in the way of combined and organized action : — 
Therefore, vi'e, the undersigned, do form ourselves into a Society for the purpose." 

If there was anything for which the aboHtionists as a body 
were peculiarly distinguished, it was for the perfect uniformity 
of sentnneut upon all great points connected with the general 
question of slavery. This was attributable to the clearness and 



79 

fullness with which the principles of the Society had been 
enunciated. Not so with the Colonization Society. You 
quoted the language of the most eminent of its supporters, but 
were immediately told that the Society was not answerable for 
the views or designs of its advocates. Hov^ very different a 
course did the Colonizationists pursue towards the Anti-Slavery 
Society. That Society was not only made answerable for all 
which the abolitionists really said, and really designed, but for 
things they never said, and never designed. No Society was 
more conspicuous for the simplicity of its principles, or the har- 
mony of views subsisting among its members. All regarded 
slave-holdirjg as sinful. All considered immediate emancipa- 
tion to be the duty of the master and the right of the slave. 
All deprecated the thought of a servile insurrection to effect the 
extinction of slavery. All abhorred the doctrine that " the end 
sanctifies the means." But all deemed it a solemn duty to pur- 
sue, with energy and boldness, the overthrow of slavery ; all 
were one in believing and teaching, that the means adopted 
should be honest, holy, peaceful, and moral. It had been said 
that the only weapon should be "persuasion." He (Mr. T.) 
believed that if no other weapon than "persuasion" was re- 
sorted to, slavery would be perpetual. He believed that the 
gathered, concentrated, withering scorn of the whole world, 
Pagan and Christian, must be brought down upon slave-holding 
America, ere much effect could be produced. If this was in- 
sufficient, it woidd be the duty of Britain to consider well 
whether it was right to hold the destinies of the slaves of 
America in her hand and not act accordingly. It would be the 
duty of the friends of the slave to point to slave-grown produce, 
and cry, " touch not, taste not, handle not " the accursed thing ! 
Great Britain had the power, by adopting a system of prohibi- 
tory duties or bounties, to affect very materially the question at 
issue, and he (Mr. T.) doubted not, that, if some such course 
was adopted, certain of the slave States would immediately 
abolish slavery that they might find a readier market and a 
higher price for their produce. 

Notwithstanding, however, the precision with which the ab- 
olitionists had stated their principles, and the wide publicity they 
had given them, designs the most black, and measures the most 
monstrous and wicked, had been charged upon them. They 
had been represented as " firebrands," " incendiaries," " dit^or- 
ganizers," " amalgamatists " — as promoting "disunion," "re- 
bellion," and the "intermixture of the races." Aijain and again, 
had they solemnly disclaimed the views imputed to them, and 
pointed to their published "constitutions" and "declarations;" 
but as often had their enemies returned to their work of cal- 
umny and misrepresentation. How totally absurd was it to 



80 

charge upon the abolitionists the design of promoting amalga- 
mation, while, under the system of slavery, an unholy amal- 
gamation was going on to the most awful extent ; demonstrated 
by the endless shades of complexion at the south ; and when 
nothing was more obvious than this, that when a female was 
rescued from her present condition — inspired with self-respect, 
and became the protector of her own virtue, — and when fath- 
ers, and brothers, and husbands, were free to defend the honor 
of their wives and daughters, the great causes, and incentives, 
and facilities would cease, and cease forever, and to prove to the 
world how solemnly the abolitionists had denied the imputa- 
tions cast upon them by their enemies, he would read from two 
documents put forth daring the great excitement which pre- 
vailed through the United States iu August last. The Ameri- 
can Anti-Slavery Society, in " An Address to the public/' thus 
anew declared their principles and objects. 

" We hold that Congress has no more riglit to abolish slavery 'm the southern 
States, than in the French West-India Islands. Of course we desire no national 
legislation on the subject." 

" We hold that slavery can only be lawfully abolished by the Legislatures of the 
spveral States in which it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral 
influence to induce such abolition is unconstitutional." 

" We believe that Congress has the same right to abolish slavery in the District 
of Columbia, that the State Governments have within their respective jurisdictions, 
and that it is their duty to efface so foul a blot from the national escutcheon." 

" We believe that American citizens have the right to express and publish their 
opinions of the constitutions, laws, and institutions, of any and every state and 
nation under Heaven; and we mean never to surrender the liberty of speech, of 
the press, or of conscience — blessings we have inherited from our fathers, and 
which we intend, as far as we are able, to transmit unimpaired to our children." 

" We are char;^ed with sending incendiary publications to the south. If by the 
term incendianj is meant publications containing arguments and facts to prove 
slavery to be a moral and political evil, and that duty and policy require its imme- 
diate abolition, the charge is true. But if the term is used to imply publications 
encouraging insurrection, and designed to excite the slaves to break their fetters, 
the charge is utterly and unequivocally false. We beg our fellow-citizens to notice 
that this charge is made without proof, and by many who confess that they have 
never read our publications, and that those who make it, offer to the public no evi- 
dence from our writinirs in support of it." 

" We liave been charged with a design to encourage intermarriages between the 
whites and blacks Tiie charge has been repeatedly, and is now again denied, 
Willie we repeat that the tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to the crimi- 
nal amalgamation that prevails wlierever slavery exists." 

These were only extracts from the address, which was of con- 
siderable length, and thus concluded : 

" Sucli, fellow-citizens, are our principles. Are tliPy unworthy of republicans 
and "f Cliri.-itians.'' Or are they in truth so atrocious, that in order to prevent 
their diffusion you are your>elve8 willing to surrender, at the dictation of others, 
the invaluable privilege office discussiim, the very birtli-righ' of .Americans.' 
Will you, in order that the abominatiim of slavery may be concealed from public 
view, and thai the ciipital of your republic may continue to be, as it now is, under 
tlu! s.m<-tiou of Congress, the great slave mart of the .American Continent, consent 
that the general iroverr.meiit, in acknowledged defiance of the constitution and 
laws, shalT appoint, through. mt the length and breadlii of your land, ten thousand 
censors of the press, each of whom sliill have the right to inspect every document 
you may commit to the Posl-Office, and to suppress every pamphlet and newspaper. 



81 

whetlicr religious or political, which, in its sovereign pleasure, he may adjudge to 
contain an incendiary article ? Surely we need not remind you, that li you submit 
to such an encroachment on your liberties, the days of our Republic are numbered, 
and that, although abolitionists may be the first, they will not be the last victims 
offered at the shrine of arbitrary power. „„ . „ „ .j . 

ARTHUR TAPPAN, President. 
JOHN RANKIN, Treasurer. 
WILfilAM JAY, Sec. For. Cor. 
ELIZUR WRIGHT, Jr., Sec. Dom. Cor. 
AbRAHAM L. COX,M. D., /?ec. Sec. 
LEWIS TAPPAN, 1 Members 

JOSHUA LEAVITT, of Me 

SAMUEL E. CORNISH, \ EiJ^vs 

SIMEON S. JOCELYN, Commute 

THEODORE S. WRIGHT, J ^''^«'»*""- 
New-York, September 3,1835." 

The other document to which he had referred, was an " Ad- 
dress " adopted at " A meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Sla- 
very Society, duly held in Boston, on Monday, August 17, 
A. D., 1835," signed by W. L. Garrison, and twenty-seven 
highly respectable citizens of Boston, on behalf of the Massa- 
chusetts Society, and others concurring generally in its princi- 
ples. He (Mr. T.) would only quote a few brief passages. 

" We are charged with violating, or wishing to violate, the Constitution of the 
United States. What have we done, what have we said to warrant this charge ? 
We have held public meetings, and taken other usual means of convincing our 
countrymen that slave-holding is sin, and, like all sin, ought to be, and can be, im- 
mediately abandoned. We have said, in the words of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, that " ALL MEN are created equal," and that liberty is an inalienable gilt 
of God to every man. We know of no clause in the Constitution which forbids 
our saying this. We appeal to the calm judgment of the community, to decide, in 
view of recent events, whether the measures of the friends, or those of the oppo- 
sers of abolition, are more justly chargeable with the violation of the Constitution 

and laws." 4. ,. . 

*► « « » ♦ * * * . 

« The foolish tale, that we would encourage amalgamation by intermarriage be- 
tween the whites and blacks, though often refuted, as often re-appears. We shall 
content ourselves with a simple denial of this charge. We challenge our oppo- 
nents to point to one of our publications in which such intermarriages are recom- 
mended One of our objects is to prevent the amalgamation now going on so far 
as can be done, by placing one million of the females of this country under the 
protection of law." _ 

" We are accused of interfering in the domestic concerns of the southern btates. 
We would ask those, who charge this, to explain precisely what they mean by ' in- 
terference." If, by interference be meant any attempt to legislate for the southern 
States, or to compel them, by force or intimidation, to emancipate their slaves, we 
at once deny any such pretension. We are utterly opposed to any force on the 
subject, but that of conscience and reason, which are " mighty, through (jrO(l,tothe 
pulling down of strongholds." We fully acknowledge that no change in the 
slave-laws of the southern States can be made, unless by the southern Legislatures. 
Neither Congress nor the Legislatures of the free States have authority to change 
the condition of a single slave in the slave States But, if by " interference be 
intended the exercise of the right of freely discussing this subject, and, by speech, 
and through the press, creating a public sentiment, which will reach the conscience, 
and blend with the convictions of the slave-holder, and thus ultimately work the 
complete extinction of slavery, this is a species of interference which we can never 
consent to relinquish." ^ , 

" We respectfully ask our fellow-citizens, whether we are to be deprived of these 
sacred privileges, — and. if so, whether the sacrifice ef our rights will not involve 
consequences dangerous to all mental and oven personal froed..m. We have vio- 
11 



lated, we mean to violate, no law. We have acted, we shall continue to act, under 
the sanction of the Constitution of the United States. Nothing that we propose to 
do can be prevented by our opposers, without violating the Charter of our rights. 
To the Law and to the Constitution we appeal." 

Such were the sentiments of the aboHtionists of the United 
States of America. 

He (Mr. T.) would embrace the present opportunity of say- 
ing a few words respecting his own mission to the United 
States. It had been much denounced as an impertinent foreign 
interference ; but he thought the charge had neither grace nor 
honesty when it came from those who were engaged, and, as 
he believed, most conscienciously and praisewprthily, in seek- 
ing, by their missionaries and agents, to overturn the institu- 
tions, social, political, and religious, of every other quarter of 
the globe. Mr. Breckinridge had said that it would be as just 
on his part to inveigh against England on account of Roman 
Catholicism in the west of Ireland, or Idolatry in India, as it 
was on his (Mr. T's.) to condemn America for the slavery ex- 
isting in that country. The cases were not quite parallel. 
Before they could be compared, Mr. B. must prove that the 
population of Ireland were constrained to worship the Virgin 
Mary — that in India, men were forced by British Law to wor- 
ship idols. No British subject was compelled by any law of 
this country, or any other country to wliich British sway ex- 
tended, to be either a Papist or an Idolator. But in America, 
men were converted into beasts, " according to law," and their 
souls and bodies crushed and degraded by a system most vigor- 
ously enforced by the strong arm of the State. His opponent 
had said, however, that slavery was not a national sin. He 
(Mr. T.) had to thank a friend for suggesting an illustration of 
the knotty problem. Suppose a number of Agriculturists and 
Merchants and Higlucay Robbers were to meet together to 
form a Union, and the Highway Robbers were to say — come, 
let us unite for the purpose of common security, and common 
prosperity : we will defend each other, and trade with each 
other, but we will not "interfere " in each other's internal af- 
fairs. You, gentlemen, Agriculturists and Merchants, shall 
promise that you will take no notice of my felonious and cut- 
throat proceedings, and I, on my part, will pledge my honor 
not to intermeddle in the affairs of your farms or counting- 
houses : and suppose they were to shake hands, complete the 
bargain, and ratify an indissoluble union of Agriculturists, Mer- 
chants, and Highway Robbers ! would the world hold the far- 
mer or the merchant guiltless? Mr. B. had said much of the 
purity and emancipation princii)lcs of Massachusetts, and New- 
Hampshire and Maine. How came it to pass, then, that they 
were in terms of such close and cordial fellowship with South 



83 

Carolina, and Georgia, and Louisiana, and so ready to mob, 
stone, and outlaw those who deemed it their duty to cry aloud 
on behalf of the oppressed? To return to his own mission. 
He would never condescend to apologize for speaking the truth. 
He had a commission direct from the skies, to rebuke sin and 
compassionate suffering wherever on the face of the earth they 
existed. This world belonged to God ; and all men were His 
subjects and his (Mr. Thompson's) brethren. Men might be 
naturally divided by rivers, and oceans, and mountains ; they 
might be politically divided by diiferent forms of government, 
and specified lines of demarkation ; but he (Mr. T.) took the 
Bible in his* hand and deemed himself at liberty to address every 
human being on the face of the earth in reference to those 
eternal principles of justice and truth, which are alike in all 
countries and in all ages, and which the subjects of God's moral 
government are everywhere bound to respect. He would say 
to America and to England, silence your cry of foreign inter- 
ference, or call home your Missionaries from India, and China, 
and Constantinople. To shew that the object of his mission 
was in accordance with the spirit of the gospel, he would read 
an extract from an article in the first number of the " Aboli- 
tionist,^'' the organ of " The British and Foreign Society for the 
Universal Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade " — a So- 
ciety with which he was connected when he went to America, 
and whose Agent he still was. The objects of his mission 
were thus set forth : 

" I. To lecture in the principal cities and towns of the free States, upon the char- 
acter, guilt, and tendency of slavery, and the duty, necessity, and advantages of 
immediate and entire abolition. Tliese addresses will be founded upon those great 
prin-.iples of humanity and religion, which have been so fully enunciated in this 
country, and will consequently be wholly unconnected with particular and local 
politics. This work will be carried on under the advice and with the co-operation 
of the Anti-Slavery Societies at present in existence in the United States. 

2. To aim, by every Christian means, at the overthrow of that prejudice against 
the colored classes, which now so lamentably prevails through all the States of 
America ; and to regard as a principiil mean to obtain this desirable object, their 
elevation in intellect and moral worth. 

3. To suiTgest to the friends of negro freedom in the United States the adoption 
and prosecution of such measures as were found conducive to the cause of abolition 
in this country, and may be found applicable to existing circumstances in that. 

4 To seek access to influential persons of various religious denominations, and 
especially to ministers of the gospel, for the purpose of explanatory conversation on 
the subjects of slavery and prejudice. 

5. To endeavor to effect a junction between the abolitionists of the United States 
of America and great Britain, with a view to the abolition of slavery and the slave 
trade througliout the world." 

The principles of the American Societies, his own principles, 
and the objects proposed by his mission to America, were now 
before his opponent. He called upon him to throw aside his 
quibbles on legal technicalities, and point out, if he were able, 
anything in the documents he had read, or the sentiments he 



84 

had advanced, inconsistent with the spirit of Christianity, or the 
genius of rational freedom. It had been said that abolitionism 
was " quackery," only four years old. He would give them a 
little of the quackery of Benjamin Franklin, in the year 1790. 
He held in his hand a petition drawn up by that celebrated man, 
and adopted by the " Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of 
Slavery,'' the preamble of which recognizes the doctrines 
which are maintained by American Abolitionists at the present 
day, and expresses the (noiv incendiary) desire of diifusing 
them ^^ wherever the evils of Slavery exist.'" Of this Society, 
Dr. Franklin was elected President, and Dr. Rush the Secretary. 
In 1790, this Society presented to the first Congress a petition, 
from which the following is an extract : — 

" From a persunsion that equal liberty was originally the portion, and is still the 
birth-right of all men, and influenced by the strong ties of humanity, and tiie prin- 
ciples of their institutions, your memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all 
justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general enjoy- 
ment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they earnestly entreat 
your serious attention to the subject of slavery ; that you may be pleased to coun- 
tenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men, who, alone in a land of 
freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage, and who. amidst the general joy of 
surrounding freemen, are groaning in servile subjection ; that you will devise means 
for removing this inconsistency from the character of the American people ; that 
you will promote mercy and justice towards this oppressed race, and that you will 
step to the very verge of the power vested in you, ibr discouraging every species of 
traffic in the persons of our fellow-men." 

(Signed) Benjamin Fra.nklin, 

President. 

Philaddphia, Februarxj2, 1790." 

Besides the venerable Franklin in 1790, he might refer to 
the truly able speech of the Rev. David Rice, in the Conven- 
tion held at Danville, Kentucky, before, or soon after the peti- 
tion just read — to the sermon of Jonathan Edwards, the younger, 
in the year 1791 — and to a most excellent sermon by Alexan- 
der M'Leod, through whose zeal and labors chiefly, the Re- 
formed Presbyterians were brought to the determination to rid 
their church of slavery, an object they accomplished in the 
year 1802. It was a painful fact that the American comnjunity 
had retrograded in feeling and sentiment upon the subject of 
slavery. The anti-slavery feeling of 1820 was neither so pure 
nor so strong as in 1800, or 1790 ; and in 1830 the feeling had 
become still weaker, and the views of the community still 
more corrupted. This was owing to the formation of the colo- 
nization society, which, like a great sponge, gathered up and 
absorbed the anti-slavery feeling of the country, and by propo- 
sing the removal of the colored ])opuhition, and constantly 
preaching such doctrines as were calculated to advance that 
object, drew public attention away from the duty of immediate 
emancipation on the soil, and caused the Christian community 
to rest in a scheme based upon expediency, and fully in unison 



85 

with their prejudice against color. To those who compared the 
various sentiments contained in the writings and speeches of 
the colonizationists, with the pure and uncompromising princi- 
ples advocated towards the close of the last, and the beginning 
of the present century, nothing was more obvious than the fact 
he had just stated, namely, that there had been a gradual giv- 
ing up of sound views and principles, for others accommodated 
to the prejudices and interests and fears of the different por- 
tions of the community. For instance, nothing was more com- 
mon in the records of the Colonization Society than the recog- 
nition of a right of property in man ; to find the advocates of 
the Society, when speaking of the slaveholder and his slaves, 
saying, " we hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, 
sacred.^' Mr. Breckinridge might say " these are not my opin- 
ions ; " — but he must know they were the published opinions 
of the managers and chief advocates of the Society, and it was 
for him to explain how he could lend a Society his countenance 
and aid, which promulgated and upheld so impious a doctrine 
as the right of property in God's rational, accountable, and im- 
mortal creatures. He (Mr. T.) knew, however, that the Society 
could assume all colors, and preach all kinds of doctrines. At 
one time it was promoting emancipation, and at another, 
increasing the value of slaves, and securing the master in the 
possession of them. It had one face for the north, and another 
for the south — a very Proteus enacting every sort of character ; 
having no fixed principles — never consistent with itself in any- 
thing but its determination by all means to get rid, if possible, 
of the colored man. If there was anyone thing which, more 
than another, was calculated to demonstrate the true character 
and tendency of the Society, it was the opinions everywhere 
entertained respecting it by the colored population. Jt was a 
fact that they loathed and abhorred the Society. No man advo- 
cating it could be popular amongst them. Even Mr. Breckin- 
ridge, with all his virtues and benevolence, was considered by 
the colored people as practically their enemy, by helping to sus- 
tain a Society which they regarded as the most effective engine 
of oppression ever invented. Surely they were qualified to 
form a judgment upon the subject. They had looked into its 
workings — they had narrowly watched its movements, and 
had satisfied themselves that it was full of all unrighteousness. 
If, on the other hand, the abolitionists were, by their measures, 
doing vast injury to the cause of the free colored people, how 
came it to pass, that they had the love and confidence of that 
entire class of the population r How was it that even the arch 
fiend of abolition, George Thom])son, was by them caressed 
and beloved, and that they would hang for hours upon the 
accents ©f his lips — and that the tear of gratitude would start 



86 

into their eyes wherever he met them? The secret was soon 
told. He (Mr. T.) spoke to them and of them, as men. He 
compromised none of their rights — he exhibited no prejudice 
against their complexion. He did not recommend exile as their 
only way of escape from their present and dreaded ills. He 
preached justice, and kindziess, and repentance to their persecu- 
tors, and maintained the right of the bleeding captive to full 
and unconditional liberty, with all the privileges and honors of 
humanity. Therefore they loved him — therefore they would 
lay down their lives for him. He would read a list of places, 
irt all of which the colored people had held meetings, and de- 
nounced the plans of the Colonization Society, viz , — 

Philadelphia, New- York, Boston, Baltimore, Washington ; 
Brooklyn and Rochester, in the State of New- York ; Hartford, 
Middletown, New-Haven, and Lime in the State of Connecticut ; 
Columbia, Pittsburg, Lewistown, and Harrisburg, in the State 
of Pennsylvania ; Providence, in the State of Rhode-Island ; 
Trenton, in the State of New-Jersey ; Wilmington, in the State 
of Delaware ; New-Bedford, in the State of Massachusetts ; 
Nantucket ; in the National Convention of free colored persons, 
held in Philadelphia, in 1831 — by the same Convention in 
1832, and, he believed, in very subsequent Conventions. 

To return to the Anti-Slavery Societies of the United States. 
He (Mr. T.) knew them to be composed of the finest and purest 
elements in the country. They were numerous and powerful. 
It would soon be proved that, with the blessing of God, they 
were omnipotent. Knowing the piety, intelligence, wealth, 
and energy of the abolitionists of America, it required some 
effort to be calm when Mr. Breckinridge stood before a British 
audience and compared them to Falstaff's ragged regiment. 
The Society of Kentucky might be small in regard to numbers. 
He believed, however, they were highly res|)ectable. He re- 
ferred to Mr. J. G. Birney on this point. Mr. Breckiin-idge 
might represent on the present occasion, if it pleased him, the 
abolitionists of his (Mr. B's) country as beggarly, odious, and 
despicable : but if he lived to revisit England (and he hoped he 
might) he believed he would then have to find some other illus- 
tration of their character, numbers and appearance, than the 
ragged regiment of Shakspeare's Falstaff. 

Having stated the principles of the Anti-Slavery Societies in 
America, he would exhibit, in the words of the Philadelphia 
declaration of sentiments, their mode of operations. The 
National Society, formed during the convention, thus made 
known to the world its intended course of action : — 

We shall ortranize Anti-Slavery Societies, if possible, in every city, town and 
village in our land. 

We shall send forth Ajrenls to lift up the voice of remonitrance, of warning, of 
entreaty and rebuke. 



87 

We shall circulate, unsparingly, and extensively, anti-slavery tracts and peri- 
■odicals. 

We shall enlist the " Pulpit " and the " Press" in the cause of the suffering and 
the dumb. 

We shall aim at a purification of the churches from all participation in the guilt 
of slavery. 

We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that of the slaves, by giving 
a preference to their productions : and 

We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy re- 
pentance. 

Our trust for victory is solely in GOD. We may be personally defeated, but 
our principles never. Truth, Justice, Reason, Humanity, must and will gloriously 
triumph. Already a host is coming up to the help of the Lord against the mighty, 
and the prospect before us is full of encouragement. 

Submitting this declaration to the candid examination of the people of this coun- 
try, and of the friends of liberty throughout the woild, we hereby affix our signa- 
tures to it ; pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the help of Al- 
mighty God, we will do all that in us lies, consistently with this Declaration of our 
principles, to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been 
witnessed upon earth ; to deliver our land from its deadliest curse ; to wipe out the 
foulest stain which rests upon our national escutcheon ; and to secure to the colored 
population of the United States all the rights and privileges which belong to them 
es men and as Americans — come what may to our persons, our interests, or our 
reputations — whether we live to witness the triumph of Liberty, Justice, and Hu- 
manity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent and holy cause. 

Signed in the Addplii Hall, in the City of Philadelphia, ) 

on the 6th day of December, A. D. 1833. 5 

True to the pledges given in this declaration, the abolitionists 
had printed, preached, and prayed without ceasing. As a proof 
of what they were doing in one department of their work, he 
would exhibit a number of newspapers, tracts, pamphlets, and 
other periodicals, which were in circulation thoughout the 
country. Mr. Thompson then produced copies of the " Slaves 
Friend," "Anti-Slavery Records," Anti-Slavery Anecdotes," 
" Human Rights," " Emancipator," " Liberator," " New-York 
Evangelist," " Zion's Herald," Zion's Watchman," " Philadel- 
phia Independent Weekly Press," "Herald of Freedom," 
" Lynn Record," " New England Spectator," &c., and an "Anti- 
Slavery Quarterly," edited by Professor Wright, the Secretary 
of the National Society, and distinguished by considerable lit- 
erary talent. These were amongst the means pursued by the 
Abolitionists. They were peaceful and honorable means, and 
under God, would prove effectual to bring the blood-cemented 
fabric of Slavery to the ground. Other than moral and consti- 
tutional means, the abolitionists sought not to employ. Their's 
would not be the glory reaped upon the crimson field amidst 
the carnage and the din of war. Their victory would not be 
a victory achieved by the use of carnal weapons, effecting the 
freedom of one man by the destruction of another. Their vic- 
tory would be a victory won by the potency of principles drawn 
from the Gospel of the Prince of Peace — their glory the glory 
of those who had obtained a bloodless conquest over the con- 
sciences and hearts of men. In the full conviction that the 
principles he (Mr. Thompson) had that night maintained, were 



88 

the principles of the word of God, he would still prosecute the 
work to which he had for some years devoted himself. He 
called upon those around him to be true to those principles, and 
to continue zealously to advocate them, and leave the conse- 
quences in the hands of God. Let the friends of human rights 
again rally under the banner which had aforetime led them to 
battle — under which they had together fought and together 
triumphed — and to remember that the motto inscribed upon its 
ample folds — a motto which, though oft abused, had oft sus- 
tained them in the hour of conflict — was. Fiat Justicia ruat 
CoBlum. 

Mr. Breckinridge rose. Having taken a good many notes 
of what Mr. Thompson had said in the speech now delivered, 
he was prepared for replying, if an opportunity were presented 
after he should have finished saying what seemed to him more 
pertinent to the subject in hand. In the meantime, he would 
introduce what he had now to say by reading another version of 
the events which had been represented as one of Mr. Thompson's 
triumphs at Boston. 

Mr. May introduced a resolution denouncing the Colonization Society as unwor- 
thy of patronage, because it disseminates opinions unfavorable to the interest of the 
colored people. 

Mr. Gurley replied. He finisljed the consideration of Mr. May's objections, went 
into an exposition of the advantages of the Colonization Society, and contrasted its 
claims with those of the Anti-Slavery Society. In doing this, he exhibited a hand- 
bill, having a large cut of a negro in chains, with some inflatiimatory sentences un- 
der it. Here he was interrupted by hisses, which were answered by clapping. 
Mr. George Thompson rose and attempted to address the meeting. This inci eased 
the confusion, Cries of" sit down — siiame — be silent — let Mr. May answer if 
he can — no foreign interference," &c., from all parts of the hall. Mr. Thompson 
jierspvered as few men would have done, but at last yielded to the evident determi- 
nation of the audience, and look his seat. The hall then became still, and Mr. 
Gurley proceeded. 

We do not know that any Aiiti-Colonizationist was convinced by these discus- 
sions ; except men who are committed against the Society, we believe the very 
general opinion is, that their overthrow on the field of argument was as complete as 
any could desire. It is evident that the cause of the Colonization Society is gain- 
ing a hold on the convictions and affections of the people of New-England stronger 
than it ever had before. We say this in view of facts which are coming to our 
knowledge from various parts. The storm of abuse and misrepresentation with 
which it has been assailed, is beginning already to contribute to its strength. 

Now he begged to remark that the paper from which he had 
read the foregoing extract, the New-York Observer, together 
with the one from which it was originally taken, the Boston 
Recorder, printed more matter weekly than all the avowed 
abolition newspapers, in America, put together, did in half a 
year. He would notice farther, in relation to the great display 
of abolition publications which had been made by Mr. Thomp- 
son on the platform, that one of the papers lying there on the 
table, had advocated his principles and cause when he was in 
Boston, and likely to be mobbed at the instigation, as he be- 
lieved, of Mr. Garrison. Some of the remainder of the publica- 



89 

tions wercj he believed, long ago dead ; some could hardly be 
said ever to have lived ; some were purely occasional ; the 
greater part as limited in circulation as they were contempti- 
ble in point of merit. Not above two or three of the dozen or 
fifteen that had been produced before them — and the names of 
which he (Mr. B.) required to be recorded — were in fact, wor- 
thy to be called respectable and avowed abolition newspapers. 
But to come to the point immediately in hand. He would on 
the present occasion attempt to show that abolition was not 
worthy to supplant the colonization scheme in the affections of 
Americans or Britons, or of any other thinking people. He 
acknowledged that there were many respectable men in the 
ranks of the abolitionists ; but these, almost without exception, 
had been at one time colonizationists ; and had he time he might 
show that many of them had deserted the colonization society 
on some peculiar or personal grounds, not involving the princi- 
ples of the cause. He was prepared to show, however, that by 
whomsoever supported, the principles of the abolitionists were 
essentially wrong, and that their practice was still worse. He 
had not access to the voluminous documents brought forward 
by Mr. Thompson. Mr. Thompson had, indeed, that evening, 
on this platform, publicly offered him access to them. Had 
that offer been made at the beginning of the discussion, instead 
of the end of it, or during the four or five days we spent in 
Glasgow before it commenced, it might have been turned to 
some advantage. But as it was, the audience would know how 
to appreciate it ; and he must rely solely upon memory, when 
he stated the principles promulgated by abolitionists ; though 
at the same lime he pledged himself that his statements not 
only were intended to be, but were, substantially correct and 
entirely candid. The abolitionists held, then, in the first place, 
as a fundamental truth, that every human being had an instant 
right to be free, irrespective of consequences to himself and 
others ; consequently that it was the duty of masters to set free 
their slaves instantly, and irrespective of all consequences; and 
of course, sipful to exercise the powers of a master for one mo- 
ment, or for any purpose. This was, in substance, the great 
principle on which the abolitionists acted — a principle which 
he was now prepared to question. He had, on a former occa- 
sion, shown that there were only two parties responsible for the 
existence of slavery, namely, individual slave-holders, and slave- 
holding communities. He would now attempt to prove, that, 
as applied to either of these, this principle was not only false, 
but that it was a mere figment, and calculated to produce tre- 
mendous evil. Let them first attend to what the abolitionists 
say to the individual slave-holder. Perhaps the person addressed 
was an inhabitant of Louisiana ; where, if it is not directly cou- 
12 



90 

trary to law, to manumit a slave — the law refuses to recognize 
the act. Was he to be told then that he should turn off his 
slaves, the young and helpless along with the old and the infirm, 
with the certain knowledge that so soon as they left his plan- 
tation, they would commence a career of trouble and sorrow 
most likely to end in their being seized, imprisoned, fined, and 
again enslaved. Mr. Thompson had mentioned, in nearly all 
his printed speeches, the case of a certain colored man, who had 
been thrown into prison at Washington city, and sold into eter- 
nal slavery to discharge the fees which had accrued by reason 
of his oppression. Now he (Mr. B.) took leave to say that this 
story was false, in tolo. It was customary in some parts of 
America to sell vagabonds, in order to make up their jail fees ; 
but they were bound for no longer a period than was necessary 
to do this. The system was this — they were taken up as va- 
grants. If they were able and willing to show that they had 
some regular and honest means of livelihood, they were of 
course acquitted and discharged ; but when they were unable 
to do this, they were sold for as much as would pay the fees of 
detention, trial, &c. That any person, black or white, once 
recognized by the law as free, was ever sold into everlasting 
slavery, he positively denied, and demanded proof. In Louis- 
iana, however, it being illegal to manumit a slave, those whom 
the abolitionists would set free, would not be considered free in 
the eye of the law. They might be harrassed, imprisoned as 
vagabonds, sold to pay expenses, as vagabonds, and so soon as 
set free again imprisoned. He admitted that such proceedings 
would be inexcusable ; but what was a benevolent man, who 
had the welfare of his slave really at heart, to do with an eye 
to them ? To act upon the abolitionist principle, would be to 
consign the slave to incalculable misery, for they had but one 
lesson to teach — turn loose the slaves, and leave consequences 
to God ! The colonizationists, however, are provided with a 
better remedy. If Louisiana would not countenance manumis- 
sion, nor suffer manumitted slaves to remain within her bounds, 
with the usual privileges of freemen, let them be taken to some 
other State, where such laws did not exist ; or if this should not 
on the whole be desirable, let them be taken to Liberia, No, 
repeats Mr. Thompson ; dischagre your slaves at once, and leave 
the consequences to God. If, by the wicked laws of Louisiana, 
they are left to starve, or driven to desperation, or sold again 
into slavery, the responsibility is theirs ; do you your duty in 
setting them immediately at liberty. .It would require, however, 
that a humane individual should be very strongly impressed 
with the truth of this principle before he could persuade him- 
self to do that which was evidently so cruel in its immediate 
effects, and so likely to be ruinous in those that are more remote. 



91 

Yet that principle was, to say the least, extremely doubtful, 
and ought not at every hazard to be crammed down the throats 
of an entire nation. If the laws of the community were bad, 
as he admitted it to be the case, he supposed it was the duty of 
enlightened citizens to seek a change of that law by proper 
means, but not in the meantime to do that which would be to- 
tally insubordinate to the State — and injurious to all parties. 
Whether, moreover, it was either fair or candid to denounce, as 
had been done, the free States as being participators in slavery, 
because, though they did not themselves hold a property in 
slaves, they, did not choose to swallow such nostrums even 
without chewing, could not be a question. If it was so doubt- 
ful whether duty to the slaves themselves rendered the imme- 
diate breaking up of all relations between them and their mas- 
ters a proper or even a permitted thing, it was still more 
questionable whether our duties to the State may not imperiously 
forbid what our duties to the slave have already warned us 
against. I have omitted all considerations of a personal or 
selfish kind — all rules of conduct drawn from what is due to 
one's self, one's family, or one's condition, or engagements. Com- 
mon benevolence forbids, as we have seen, and common loyalty 
prohibits, as we shall see — what a man must do, or lie under 
the curse of abolitionism. For though it be our duty to seek 
the amendment of bad laws, because they are bad, it is equally 
our duty to obey laws because they are laws, unless it is clear 
that greater ill will follow from obedience than from disobedi- 
ence. Now all our slave States are perfectly willing that their 
citizens should emancipate their slaves ; only many of them 
insist on their doing it elsewhere, than within their borders. 
As long as other lands exist, ready to receive the manumitted 
slave, and certain to be benefitted by his reception, it is to 
preach treason, as well as cruelty, and folly as well as either, 
to assert the bounden duty of the individual slave-holder, at all 
hazards, to attempt an impossibility on the instant, rather than 
accomplish a better result by foresight, preparation, and suitable 
delay. It may therefore be boldly said that instant surrender 
of the authority of the master, irrespective of all other consider* 
ations, must, in many cases, be a great crime in the individual 
slave-holder. He would now speak of this abolition principle 
to which he had adverted as a rule of conduct for slave-holding 
communities. In this respect, also, he considered that it was at 
best extremely questionable. Let us illustrate the principle by 
the oft-repeated case of the District of Columbia. Abolitionism 
asserts that it is the clear duty of Congress to abolish slavery 
instantly in that District, without regard to what may occur 
afterwards in consequence of that act. Let us admit that the 
dissolution of the Federal Union is a consequence not worthy 



92 

of regard — even when distinctly foreseen; and that all the 
evils attendant on such a result, to human society, and to all 
the great interests of man throughout the earth, are as nothing, 
compared with the establishment of a doubtful definition, hav- 
ing an antiquity of at least four years, and a paternity disputed 
between Mr. Garrison and Mr. Thompson. As a principle 
concerning no other creature but the slaves of the District, and 
no interest but theirs, it can be shown to be false. If Congress 
were instantly to abolish slavery there, with a tolerable cer- 
tainty that every slave in the District would be removed and 
continued with their issue in perpetual slavery; when by an 
arrangement with the owners, they might so prospectively 
abolish it as to secure the freedom of every slave in five or ten 
years, and of their issue as they successively arrived at twenty 
or twenty-five years of age ; if Congress could do the latter, and 
were in preference to do the former, they would deserve the 
execrations of the world. The first plea is Mr. Thompson and 
abolitionism ; the second express my principles and those of the 
despised gradualists. At all events, the truth of the principle 
involved in the former supposition was not so manifest as to 
justify Mr. Thompson i'. denouncing, as he had done, those 
who did not see proper to follow it. A wise man would hesi- 
tate — he would weigh well the resulting circumstances as one 
of the best tests of the truth and utility of his principles before 
he propagated, as indisputably and exclusively true, and that in 
despite of all results, such principles, with the violence which 
had been manifested — principles which, he repeated, were but 
four years old, and which he was still convinced, were but ar- 
rant quackery. There was another aspect of the subject. Ref- 
erence had been made to the representation of the black popula- 
tion in the National Government. He would remark ou this 
subject that it was the duty of every State to see that power 
was committed only to the hands of those qualified to exercise 
it properly, wisely, anJl beneficially. What would be said in 
this country, were Mr. Thompson to propose that the elective 
franchise should be made universal, and that the age at which 
it might be exercised should be fixed at fifteen years ? He 
would venture to say that the ministry who would introduce 
such a scheme to Parliament, would not exist for three days. 
The proposal, as Mr. T. no doubt knew, would be considered 
altogether revolutionary and shocking. Yet it must be admitted 
that the average of the boys of Britain who are fifteen years old, 
are fully as well qualified for the exercise of the elected franchise, 
as the average of the slaves in the various parts of the United 
States are at the age of twenty-one years. But with us, as 
with you, twenty-one years is the age at which electors vote. 
As I have shown, in most of our States the elective franchise is 



93 

extended to every white man, who has attained that age ; while 
the quahfications of a property kind, anywhere required, are so 
extremely moderate, that in all our communities nine-tenths at 
least of the adult white males are entitled to vote. Now let it 
be borne in mind, that abolitionism requires not only instant 
freedom for the slave, but also instant treatment of him, in every 
civil and political, as well as every social and religious respect, 
as if he were white, that is, in plain terms — if we should follow 
the dogmas you sent Mr. T. to teach us, and in which we have 
been held up to the scorn of all good men, for declining to re- 
ceive, a revolution far more terrible and revolting would imme- 
diately follow throughout all ourslavd States, than would follow 
in Britain by enfranchising in a day, every boy in it fifteen 
years old — even if your house of lords were substituted by an 
elective senate, and your parliaments made annual ! And it is 
in the light of such results, that America has received with hor- 
ror the enunciation of principles which lead directly to them, 
while their advocates declare " all consequftuces " indifferent as 
it regards their conduct ! And can it be the duty of any com- 
monwealth to bring upon itself " instantly," — or at all — such 
a condition as this ? The abolitionists themselves had evidently 
felt that their scheme was absurd ; for they had never ventured 
to propose it to a slave State. Their papers were published and 
their efforts all made, and their organized agitation carried on, 
and a tremendous uproar raised in States where there existed no 
power whatever to put an end to slavery : but hardly a syllable 
had been uttered where, if anywhere, some effect might have 
been produced beneficial to the slaves, had abolition principles 
been practicable anywhere. The conduct of the abolitionists 
had been of a piece with what would have taken place in this 
country, had an agitation been got up for the direct abolition of 
idolatry in China, or of popery in Spain. Their principles had 
never yet been advocated in the South, but by means of the 
post-office, the effects of which, in the tearing up of mail bags, 
(fcc, Mr. Thompson well knew, and had declared. But the 
fact was, that such metaphysical propositions as those propoun- 
ded by the abolitionists — even admitting them to be true — 
were altogether uncalled for. Thousands of slaves had been 
emancipated before the abolition principles were heard of, and 
all that was needed, was, that those who were engaged in the 
good work should have been let alone or aided on their own 
principles. What was the use of blazoning forth a doctrine 
which was in all likelihood false and ruinous, but which, were 
it true, could do no good ? For if you could persuade a man 
that his duty required him to give freedom to his slaves, and he 
became suitably impressed with a sense thereof — he would do 
it just as certainly and effectually as though you had begun by 



94 

saying to him — now as soon as I convince you, you must set 
them free immediately ! He could indeed characterize such a 
mode of proceeding by no other term than that of gratuitous 
folly. 

Again he might say that this principle of abolitionism was 
contrary to all the experience which America had acquired as a 
nation on this subject. Principles favorable to emancipation 
first took root where there were few slaves, and when the pro- 
ducts of their labor were of little value. They had spread grad- 
ually towards the South, the border States being always first 
inoculated, till no fewer than eight States which tolerated 
slavery, adopted this principle, and successively abolished it. 
To these eight States were to be added four others, created 
since the formation of the Federal Constitution, which never tol- 
erated slavery, thus making twelve States in which slavery 
was not permitted. By the influence of gradualism alone, had 
the cause of freedom advanced steadily to this point, and every 
day rendered its ultimate triumph throughout the whole empire 
more and more probable. At this time it might have been 
carried South by at least 5 degrees of latitude ; and Virginia, 
Kentucky, Maryland, Delaware, and Missouri, added to the free 
States ; and the shackles of 1,000,000 slaves been in a process 
of gradual melting off. If fifty years had seen the rise of 12 
free States, was it too much to hope that the next fifty years 
should enfranchise twelve more. For all the ruin brought on 
this glorious cause during the last four years by principles and 
practices of Mr. Thompson's friends, what have they to compen- 
sate suff"ering humanity ? Have they or theirs released from his 
bonds a single slave ? The abolition plan had in fact, been asig- 
dal, a total, absolute failure. Mr. Thompson himself did not pre- 
tend to say that a twentieth part of the population of America 
had embraced his views. The whole theory was as false as the 
whole practice was fatal ; and just and pious men would hereaf- 
ter hesitate before they sent out new missions to advocate them, 
or lent the influence of their just weight to denunciations lev- 
elled against all who did not think Ihem worthy of their 
applause. The second great principle of the abolitionists, to 
which he would invite attention, was this — that it was the in- 
herent and indestructible right of every man to abide in perfect 
freedom in whatever spot he was born ; and that while it is a 
crime to deny him there all the rights of a man, a citizen and a 
Christian, it was not less so to persuade, to win, or to coerce 
him into what they called exile — this principle was levelled 
at the Colonization Society ; and while instant abolition formed 
the first, and denunciation of what they call prejudice against 
color formed the last ; hatred to colonization formed the njiddle 
and active principle of the band. Of this, it might be said, first, 



95 

that it had the advantage of contradicting all the wisdom and 
practice of mankind. Whether it was meant to embrace women 
and minors — or at what age to establish the beginning of rights 
so extraordinary and unprecedented, whether at twenty-one, as 
here, or twenty-five, as in some countries, or twenty-eight, as in 
others, had not yet been defined. Thus much at least might 
be said — that if these rights resided in black men, they resided 
in no others, of whatever hue or race ; and the philosophers who 
discovered their existence had found out something to compen- 
sate these unhappy men for their unparalleled sufferings. It 
certainly need not create surprise that we should listen with 
suspicion to such dogmas taught by an Englishman, when we 
remember that, from time immemorial, all the institutioas of his 
own country were built upon dogmas precisely opposite ; and 
all her practice the reverse of the preaching of the semi-national 
representative. Mr. Thompson says, a man is a citizen by in- 
herent right, wherever he is born ; the British monarchy, which 
Mr. Thompson says he prefers to all things else, says on the con- 
trary, that let a man be born where he may he is a Briton, if born 
of British parents; and it both claims his allegiance, and will 
extend to him every right of a subject born at home ! Then 
why is not a man an African if born of African parents in Amer- 
ica, as well as a Briton, if born of British parents there ? Or why 
are we to be attacked firs^t with cannon on one side, and then 
with Billingsgate on the other side of this vexed question ? Nor 
did our own notions, adverse as they were to those of Britain, 
conflict less with Mr. T. and abolitionism on another } art of the 
principle. All our notions permit men to expatriate themselves, 
many of our constitutions guarantee it as a natural right, and 
America had actually gone to war with Britain in defence of 
that right in her unnaturalized citizens. Britain had insisted 
on searching American vessels for British sailors — America had 
refused to submit to the search ; because, among other things 
the man sought was, by naturahzation, an American. America 
did not oppose any of her citizens becoming Britons, if they 
thought fit, and was resolved to maintain the right of those who 
chose to become American citizens, from whatever country 
they might have emigrated, and therefore could hear only with 
contempt this dictum of abolitionism. Again he would say that, 
this principle is contrary to common sense. Rights of citizen- 
ship were not to be considered natural rights. They were given 
by the community — they might be withheld by the communi- 
ty ; and, therefore, to talk of their being indestructible, was sheer 
nonsense. No man had a natural right to say, I will be a citi- 
zen of this or that State ; and in point of fact, the great bulk of 
mankind were not citzens at all, but merely subjects. There 
were laws establishing the present form of government, giving 



96 

a certain power to the king and to the Parliament, and regula- 
ting the mode in which Parliament was to be elected. These 
laws were altogether conventional ; and as well might a man 
claim a natural right to be a king or a judge as to be a citizen. 
It might be as truly said that one is inherently a shark because 
he was born at sea, or a horse because he happened to have been 
born in a stable. So far is the theory of abolition from the 
truth ; and so widely remote is their hatred to colonization, from 
being based in justice, or reason, that circumstances may occur 
in which it shall become imperative duty for men to emigrate. 
America presented a striking example of the truth of this. In 
this country it was customary to talk of America as a daughter 
of England. He had heard people talk as if America were 
about as large as one English shire, and settled principally from 
their own villages. But the fact was that America was an epit- 
ome of the whole world, peopled by colonies from almost all 
parts of it. It was an eclectic nation ; and to talk to Americans, 
of the inherent right of a man to stay and be oppressed, where 
he happened to be born — or the guilt of seducing him to emi- 
grate, is only to expose one's self to pity or scorn. To realize 
this, it is only necessary to take a map of our wide empire, 
washed by both oceans, and embracing all the climates of the 
earth, and get some American boy to tell you the migrations of 
his ancestors. To omit all mention of the red man, from Asia, 
and the poor black man, from Africa ; there, he will say in 
New-England, are the children of the pilgrims, who were the 
fathers of your own Roundheads, driven out by the mean and 
vexatious tyranny of James I.; and there, in lower Virginia, 
three hundred leagues off, are the descendants of the Cavaliers 
and Malignants. There, in the back parts of the same ancient 
commonwealth, and in all western Pennsylvania, are the sturdy 
Scotch, whose fathers were hanged in the streets of your cities, 
by that perjured Charles II., who thus rewarded the loyalty 
that gave him back his crown. In the same key State, of the 
Union is a nation of industrious Germans; while in the empire 
state of New-York, are the children of those glorious United 
Provinces, that disputed with yourselves for ages, the empire of 
the sens; and between them both in New-Jersey the descend- 
ants of those ancient Danes who often ravaged your own coasts. 
The descendants of the Hugonauts, whose ancestors Lous XIV. 
expelled from France;, and ])laced cordons on his frontiers to 
butcher as they went out, simj)ly because they were Protestants, 
peopling parts of the south ; in other parts of which, are colonies 
of Swiss, of Spaniards, and of Catholic French. The Irishmen 
is everywhere ; and everywhere better treated than at home. 
Amongst such a peo})le, it must needs be an instinctive senti- 
ment, that he who loves country more than liberty, is unworthy 



97 

to have either ; that he who inculcates or affects the love of 
place above the possession of precious privileges, must have a 
sinister object. But he might proceed much farther ; and hav- 
ing shown that it might be the duty of men to emigrate under 
various circumstances, prove that such a duty never was more 
imperative than on the free colored population of America. 
Possessing few motives to remain in America that were not 
base or insignificant compared with those that ought to urge 
their return, every attempt to explain and defend their conduct 
revealed a selfishness on their part a thousand times greater than 
that they charge upon the whites ; and a cruelty on the part of 
their advisers towards the dying millions of heathen in Africa, 
more attrocious than that charged, even by them, on the master 
against his slave. The love of country, of kindred, of liberty, 
of the souls of men, and of God himself, impels them to depart, 
and do a work which none but they can do ; and which they 
forego through the love of ease, the lack of energy, vanity grat- 
ified by the caresses of abolitionists, and deadness to the great 
motives detailed above. But there was another, and most ob- 
vious truth, which shows the utter futility of the principle of 
abolition now contested. So far was the fact from being so, 
that anybody, black or white, held an inherent right of citizen- 
ship in the place of his birth; that it is most certain, no man 
had even a right of bare residence, which the state might not 
justly and properly deprive him of — upon sufficient reason. 
The state has the indisputable right to coerce emigration, when- 
ever the public good required it ; and when that public good 
coincided with the interest of the emigrating party — and that 
also of the land to which they Avent — to coerce such emigra- 
tion might become a most sacred duty. It was indeed true, 
that the friends of colonization had not contemplated nor pro- 
posed any other than a purely voluntary emigration ; for even 
the traduced State of Maryland not only made the fact of re- 
moval voluntary, but, going a step further than any other, gave 
a choice of place to the emigrant. I recommend Africa, says 
she, but I will aid you to go wherever you prefer to go. It 
should, however, be borne in mind that this power is inherent 
in all communities, and has been exercisod in all time. And it 
were well for the advocates of abolition ]iuncipl(!S to remember 
that the final, and, if necessary, forcible separation of the parlies 
is surely preferable to the annih;'at:on. cr the eteraal r.lc.very of 
either; while it is infinitely more prcbi-.ble tha.i the ii.-stant 
emancipation — the universal levelling — or the general mix- 
ture for which they contend. He had still left a third principle 
advanced by the abolitionists on which to comment, but as 
only two or three mimites of his allotted time remained, he 
would not enter on the subject ; but would read, for the infor- 
13 



98 

mation of the audience a speech dehvered by Mr. Thompson at 
Andover, in Massachusetts, the seat of one of our largest theo- 
logical seminaries, as reported by a student who was present. 
He wished this speech to be put on record for the mformation 
of the British pubhc. 

Students — I shall first speak of the natural and inalienable rights to discuss 
slavery. It is not a question ; you ought to do it; you sin against God and con- 
science, and are traitors to human nature and truth, if you neglect it. Whoever 
attempts to stop you from the exercise of this right, snatches the trident from the 
Almighty, and whoever dares to put manacles upon mind must answer for it to the 
bar of God. It belongs to God, and to God exclusively. You are not at liberty to 
give respect to any entreaty or suggestion or to take into consideration the feelings 
of any man or body of men on the subject. The wicked spirit of expediency is 
the spirit of hell, the infamous doctrines of the demons of hell ; and wlioever at- 
tempts to preach it to the rising youth of the land, preaches tjie doctrine of the 
damned spirits. It is tiie spirit of the flame and faggot, reve-.iling itself as it dares, 
and corrupting the atmosphere so as to prevent the tree breathing of a free soul. 
Where are the students of the Lane seminary .-■ Where they ought to be; — from 
Georgia to Maine, and from the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains — far from a pri- 
son-house where fetters are ibrged and rivetted. They could not stay in a place 
where a thermometer was hung up to graduate the state of their feelings. It was 
not till Dr. Beechcr consulted the faculty at New-Haven and Andover, to see if 
they would sustain him, tliat he ventured to put the screws on. But, perhaps you 
may say, we must bid farewell to promotion if we do as you desire. The faculty 
have the power, in a degree, to fix our future settlements by the recommendation, 
and, therefore, we must desist. What if you do have to leave the seminary .' Far 
better to be away than to breatlie the tainted air of tyranny. I proclaim it here, 
that the only reason why abolition is not countenanced at Andover is, because it is 
unpopular; when it is popular it will be received. In 1823, the Colonization So- 
ciety was the pet child of "the churches, the seminaries, and the colleges of tlie 
land ; but now, forsooth, because it is unpopular, ii is cast off. A^e, once the elo- 
quent tongues voiced its praise, and the gold and silver were its tributaries — where 
is it now f Cast off because it is not popular. This is rather hard ; in its old age, 
too. But I forbear, it is a touching theme. I return to the Lane seminary. Never 
were nobler spirits and finer minds congregated together; never in all time and 
place a more heroic and generous band. Dr. Beecher himself has pronounced the 
eulogy. In what condition is the seminary now. Lying in ruins, irretrievably 
gone ! Dr. Beecher then sacrificed honor and reputation. 

Mr. Thompson read extracts from an article in tlie Liberator, which went to show 
that the faculty at Andover advised the students to be uncommitted on the divid- 
ing topic of slavery. Yes, added Mr. Thompson, go out uncommitted ; wait till you 
get into a pulpit and have it cushioned and a settee in it, and then you may com- 
mit yourself The speaker observed that very ill effects had resulted from the fail- 
ure of the students at Andover to form themselves into an Anti-Slavery Society 
— the evil example had extended to Philip's Academy, Amherst College, &c. He 
had been twitted about il wherever he had been, but you may recover yourselves, 
he added, condescendingly; there is some apology for you, only let a Society be 
formed instantly. Those who attempted to show from the Bible that slavery was 
justifiable, were paving the slave-holders' paths to hell with texts of Scripture. Mr. 
Thompson enlarged upon the merits of the refractory students at Lane Seminary, 
wit'« a I'lost-iPiKKuuit supply of adjectives; and the mean-spirited students of An- 
do-'er, -iltho'igti not e-rpres.sly designated as such, were understood by the manner 
of expression to be placed in contrast. Mr. Thompson remarked that such con- 
duct would not be tolera'ed 1)3' t!u siudcits of any college in England, Scotland, 
or Irel'ind. This abusr of t!i( ficulty at Andover was more personal and pointed 
'hiti I have jHscribecJ ; cm of tl.e faculty was called by name, but the severe ex- 
pressions I have forgotten. He would probably have outrun himself, and ex- 
hausted the vocabulary of opprobrious epithets, had he not been interrupted. At 
the conclusion of the lecture, with the stranL^o inconsistency which belongs to the 
man, he remarked that he had a high respect for the members of the fatuity, and 
that he would willingly sit at their feet as a learner. 

He had only one remark before he sat down. It had been 



99 

publicly stated by a student of this seminary, that Mr. Thomp- 
son, in a conversation with him, had said, that every slave- 
holder deserved to have his throat cut, and that his slaves ought 
to do it. He could not, of course, vouch for the truth of this ; 
but Mr. Thompson was there to explain. One thing, however, 
he could state as an indisputable fact, namely, that the profes- 
sors of the seminaries had signed a document in which it was 
asserted that the young man had been in the college for three 
years, and that his veracity was unimpeached and unimpeacha- 
ble. If the story were true — it was well that it was timely 
made public. If the young man misunderstood Mr. Thompson, 
he (Mr. B.) believed he formed one of a very large class in 
America, who had fallen into similar mistakes, and drawn simi- 
lar conclusions from the general drift of his doings and sayings 
in that country. 

Mr. THOMPSON, on rising, observed that no one could be 
more ready than himself to commend the gentleman who had 
just resumed his seat for the courage which he had shewn in 
dealing so frankly and faithfully with him, (Mr. T.) in the 
presence of those to whom he (Mr. B.) was comparatively a 
stranger, and whose favorable opinion he (Mr. T.)had had ma- 
ny opportunities of conciliating. He rejoiced that his opponent 
had, towards the end of his speech, attempted to state facts and 
specify charges, and had thus afforded him an opportunity of 
showing how completely and triumphantly he could meet the 
charges brought against himself personally, and support the 
statements he had made in reference to America. He would 
commence with the Andover story about cutting throats. The 
truth of the matter was this. A student in the Theological 
Seminary of the name of A. F. Kaufman, Jr., charged him, 
George Thompson, with having said, in a private conversation, 
that every slave-holder ought to have his throat cut, and that if 
the abolitionists preached what they ought to preach, they would 
tell every slave to cut his master's throat. Mr. Kaufman was 
from Virginia, the son of a slave-holder, and heir to slave prop- 
erty. The story was first circulated in Andover, and was after- 
wards published in the New- York Commercial Advertiser, in a 
communication dated from the Saratoga Springs. In reply to 
the printed version, I (said Mr. T.) printed a letter denying the 
charge in the most solemn manner, and referring to my nume- 
rous public addresses, and innumerable private conversations, 
in proof of the perfectly pacific character of my views. Then 
came forth a long statement from Mr. Kaufman, with a certifi- 
cate to his veracity and general good character, signed by pro- 
fessors Woods, Stuart, and Emerson, of Andover. Here the 
matter must have rested — Mr. Kaufman's charge on one side, 
and my denial on the other — had the conversation been strictly 



100 

private ; but, fortunately forme, there were witnesses of every 
word ; and this brings me to notice other circumstances con- 
nected with the affair, constituting a most complete contradic- 
tion of the charge. I was staying at the time under the roof 
of the Rev. Shipley W. Willson, the minister of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church in Andover, and when I had the conversation 
with Mr. Kaufman, in which the language imputed to me is 
alleged to have been uttered, there were present, besides our- 
selves, my host the Rev. S. W. Willson ; the Rev. Amos A. 
Phelps, congregational clergyman, and one of the agents of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society; the Rev. La Roy Sunderland 
Methodist Episcopal clergyman, and at present the editor of Zi- 
on's Watchman, New-York ; and the Rev. Jarvis Gregg, now 
a Professor in Western Reserve College, Ohio. In consequence 
of the use made of the statement put forth by Mr. Kaufman, I 
wrote to Professor Gregg, and Mr. Phelps, requesting them to 
give their version of the conversation in writing ; and their 
letters in reply, which, together with one written without so- 
licitation by Mr. Sunderland, have been published. They not 
only flatly contradict the account given by Mr. Kaufman, but 
prove that I advocated in the strongest language the doctrine of 
non-resistance on the part of the slaves. These letters, how- 
ever, never appeared in the columns of the papers which 
brought the charge and defied me to the proof of my innocence. 
It may be well to give some idea of the conversation out of 
which the charge grew. Mr. Kaufman complained of the 
harsh language of the abolitionists, and challenged me to quote 
a passage of scripture justifying our conduct in that respect. 
1 quoted the passage "Whoso stealeth a man and selleth him, 
or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death ;" 
and observed, that in this text we had a proof of the awful de- 
merit of the slaveholder ; that he was considered worthy of 
death ; and that the modern slaveholder, under the Christian 
dispensation, was not less guilty than the slaveholder under the 
Jewish law. I then reminded him of the poHtical principles of 
the Americans, and cited the words of the declaration of Inde- 
pendence, "resistance to tyrants is obedience to Gody I 
then contrasted tbe injuries inflicted on the slave with the 
grievances complained of in the Declaration of Independence, 
and argued, that, if the Americans deemed themselves justified 
in resisting to blood the payment of a threepenny tea tax and 
a stamp duty, how uiuch more, uj)on the same principles, would 
the slave be justified in cutting his masters' throat, to obtain 
deUverance from personal tliraldom. Nay more, that every 
American, true to the principles of the revolution, ought to 
teach the slaves to cut their master's throats — but that while 
these were fair deductions from their own revolutionary princi- 



101 

pies, I held the doctrine that it was invariably wrong to do evil 
that good might come, and that I dared not purchase the free- 
dom of the slaves by consenting to the death of one master. 

He (Mr. T.) had thus disposed of one of the most tangible 
portions of his opponent's speech. He regretted there had not 
been more of matter-of-fact statement in the speech of one 
hour in length, to which they had just listened ; a speech, 
which, however creditable to the intellect of his opponent on 
account of its ingenuity, was by no means creditable to his 
heart. Instead of dealing fairly with the documents he (Mr. T.) 
had produced, and which contained a true and ample statement 
of the views, feelings, principles, purposes and plans of the ab- 
olitionists, Mr. Breckinridge had manufactured a series of 
dextrous sophisms, calculated to keep out of sight the real 
merits of the question. Was it not strange, that, covered as 
that platform was with the documents of the abolitionists, his 
opponent had not quoted one word from their writings, but had 
based all he had said vipon a statement of their principles made 
out by himself; and had then given to that statement an inter- 
pretation of his own, utterly at variance with all the views and 
doctrines entertained by the abolitionists. The gentleman had 
most ably played the part of Tom Thumb, who made the 
giants he so valiantly demolished. He would not attempt to 
grapple with that which rested altogether upon a gross mis- 
statement of the principles and views of the Abolitionists. He 
had a right to expect that Mr. B. would go to the many sources 
of official information touching the principles he professed to 
denounce ; but instead, he had put forth a creed, as the creed 
of the Abolitionists of America, which was nowhere to be 
found in their writings, and he (Mr. T.) should therefore wait 
until an objection had been taken to something they (the abo- 
litionists) had really said or done. 

Mr. Breckinridge had amused them with another Andover 
story. He had read an extract from a speech said to have been 
delivered by him (Mr. T.) during the protracted meeting he had 
held there. He would just take the liberty of assuring the 
audience that he had never uttered the speech which had that 
night been put into his mouth. It had been said that the speech 
was reported by a student. Had Mr. B. given the name of the 
student? — No. He (Mr. B. ) knew that it was an anonymous 
commimication, written by a vile enemy of a righteous cause, 
who was too much ashamed of his own productions to sign his 
name, but put the initial C. at the end of his libellous produc- 
tions, which were greedily copied into the pro-slavery papers of 
the United States. The reports furnished by that scribbler 
were known in Andover to be false, and laughed at by the 
students as monstrous and ludicrous perversions of the truth. 



102 

Upon this point also, he (Mr. T.) had ample documentary 
evidence. He did not wonder that Mr. Breckinridge had so 
frequently twitted him respecting the multitude of documents 
which he (Mr. T.) was in the habit of producing. It must be 
peculiarly unpleasant to find that he (Mr. T.) had always the 
document at hand necessary to annihilate the pretended proof 
of his opponent. He would now read from a report of the 
proceedings at Andover — but a very different report compared 
with that they had just heard — not an anonymous one, but 
signed by a respectable and pious student in the Theological 
Seminary, R. Reed, Corresponding Secretary of the Andover 
Anti-Slavery Society. As reference was made, in the extract 
he was going to read, to a former visit, he would just state, that 
about three months after his arrival in the United States, he 
visited Andover, and delivered three lectures, besides undergoing 
a long examination into his principles in the College Chapel ; 
and that on his return to Boston, where he was then residing, 
he received from the Institution a series of resolutions signed by 
upwards of fifty of the students, expressive of their entire con- 
currence in the sentiments he had advanced, and their high 
approbation of the temper in which he had advocated those 
sentiments, and commending him to the blessing and protection 
of Heaven. He (Mr. T.) need not say that such a testimonial 
from theological students, unasked and unexpected, was pecu- 
liarly gratifying. 

The account of his second visit in July, 1835, was thus given 
in a letter addressed to the editor of the Liberator. 

" It had been previously announced that Mr. Thompson would address us on 
Tuesday evening. The hour arrived, and a laige and respectable audience were 
convened in the expectution of again listening to the — (Mr. Thompson here 
omitted some complimentary expressions.) After the introductoiy prayer, Mr. 
Phelps arose, and said he regretted that he was obliged to state that Mr. Thotiipson 
had not yet arrived in town, but he thought it probable he would soon be with us. 
He then resumed the subject of American Slavery. He had, however, uttered but 
a few sentences before Mr. T. came in. His arrival was immediately announced 
from the desk, and the expression of satisfaction, manifested by the audience, told, 
more eloquently than words, the estimation in which they held this beloved brother, 
and the pleasure they felt on again enjoying the opportunity of listening to his ap- 
peals. Mr. Thompson took his seat in the desk, and Mr. Phelps then proceeded at 
some length. When he closed his remarks, Mr. Thompson aro.se, and after some 
introductory remarks, answered, in a powerful and eloquent manner, the inquiry, 
' Why don't you go to the Sr)Uth.' 

'• The first part of the three succeeding evenings was occupied by Mr. Phelps, in 
exposing the janus-faced monster, the American Colonization Society, which he 
did in so masteily a manner, that we are quite sure none of his auditors, save those 
who are willfully blinded, will hereafter doubt of its being ' a fraud upon the igno- 
rance, and an outrage upon the intelligence of the community.' " 

"Thursday evening Mr. Thompsitn vindicated himself against the aspersions 
heaped upon him for denouncing Dr. ('ox. I would that all Mr. Thompson's 
friends had been present, and his enemies too, for I am sure that unless encased in 
a shield of prejudice more impenetrable than steel, they would have been compelled 
to acknowledge that his denunciation of Ur. Cox was just, and not such an 



1U3 

instance of tiger-like malice as some have represented it to be." "Friday evening 
(the evening to which the extract read by Mr. Breckinridge referred) he spoke of 
llie 'armed neutrality ' of the seminary and the course which had been taken in 
the Academical Institutions of Andover. He is accused of wantonly abusing our 
Professors and Teachers — of making personal attacks upon them. No personal 
attacks however were made; no man's motives were impeached. He attacked 
PRINCIPLES and not MEN • for while he would render to the guardians of the 
seminary and academies all that respect which their station and learning and 
piety demands, he would at the same time condemn the course that had been pur- 
sued, as having a tendency to retard the progress of emancipation. Let the public 
judge as to the propriety of his remarks. 

It would be recollected that the same question had been put 
to him here in Glasgow, as that which he had answered at 
Andover. "Why don't you go to the South?" He would tell 
his opponent on the present occasion, that even he could not 
advocate abolition sentiments in the South, purely and openly, 
without endangering his life. The reason he was able to ex- 
press his views on slavery and remain unmolested, was because 
it was known that he denounced the abolitionists, and advoca- 
ted colonization. The experience of Mr. Birney was in point. 
That gentleman hated slavery before he joined the abolitionists, 
and was in the habit of speaking against it, in connection with 
the colonization cause, and was permitted to do so without 
hindrance ; but when he emancipated his slaves, and called 
upon others to do likewise, upon true anti-slavery principles, he 
was forced to fly from his residence and family, and was now 
in the city of Cincinnati. 

It had been tauntingly said, " show us the fruits of your 
principles." " Where are the slaves you have liberated ? " 
He would reply, that in Kentucky, very recently, nineteen slaves 
had been liberated upon anti-slavery principles : — enough to 
answer Mr. B's. demand, " point us to one slave your Society 
has been the means of liberating." But the question was not 
to be so tested. The abolitionists of Britain were often called 
upon in the same way ; and their answer was, our principles 
are extending, and when they are sufficiently impressed upon 
the public mind, there will be a general emancipation of the 
slaves. On the 31st of July, 1834, they could not point to any 
actually free in consequence of their eflbrts ; but the night 
came and passed away, and the morrow dawned upon 800,000 
human beings, lifted by the power of anti-slavery princijiles, 
out of the legal condition of chattels, into the position of free 
British subjects. So in the United States. The principles of 
abolition would necessarily be some time extending, but ulti- 
mately they would effect a change in public opinion, and a cor- 
responding change in the treatment of the black man. 

Mr. Breckinridge had disputed the truth of the fact he (Mr. 
T.) had stated relative to the imprisonment and sale into bon- 
dage for hfe, in the city of Washington, of a black man, justly 



104 

entitled to his freedom. He (Mr. T. ) trusted that in this matter 
also he should be able most satisfactorily to establish his own 
veracity. The evidence he would produce to support the state- 
ment he had made, was, "A memorial of the inhabitants of 
the District of Columbia, U. S., signed by one thousand of the 
most respectable citizens of the District, and presented to Con- 
gress, March 24, 1828, then referred to the Committee on the 
District, and on the motion of Mr. Hubbard, of New-Hampshire, 
Feb. 9, 1835, ordered to be printed." He (Mr. T.) held in his 
hand the genuine document printed by Congress, " 22d Congress, 
2d Session, House of Representatives, Doc. No. 140." The 
following was the part containing the fact he had mentioned. 

" A colored man, who stated that he was entitled to freedom was taken up as a 
lUiiAway slave, and lodged in the jail of Washington City. He was advertised, 
but no one appearing to claim him, he was according to law, put up at public auc- 
tion for the payment of Jiis jail fees, and SOLD as a SLAVE for LIFE. He was 
purchased by a slave trader, who was not required to give security for his remain- 
ing iti the District and he was soon shipped at Alexandria for one of the souUiern 
States. An attempt was made by some benevolent individual to have the sale 
postponed until his claim to freedom could be investigated ; but their efforts were 
unavailing ; and thus was a human being SOLD into PERPETUAL HONDAGE 
at the capital of the freest government on earth, without even a pretence of trial, 
or an allegation of crime." 

He should be glad to find that Mr. B. had a satisfactory ex- 
planation of this most revolting case. Such things were enough 
to make any man speak hardly of America. If he (Mr. T.) said 
severe things of that coimtry, it was not, Heaven knew, because 
he did not love that country, for his heart's desire and prayer 
was, that she might soon be free from every dawback upon her 
prosperity and usefulness. He told these things because they 
ouglit to be known and branded as they deserved, that the na- 
tion guilty of them might repent and abandon them. Hs was 
not the enemy of America that faithfully pointed out her follies 
and crimes. No. He was the man that loved America, that 
seeing her, like some lofty tree, spreading abroad her branches, 
and furnishing at once shelter and sustenance to all who sought 
refuge under her shade, observed with sorrow and dismay, a 
canker-worm at the root, threatening to consume her beauty and 
her strength, and could not rest day or night in his efforts to 
bruig so great and glorious a nation to a sense of her danger, 
and an apprehension of her duty. Let others do the pleasant 
Avork of ilattery and panegyric, and be it his more ungracious, 
but not less salutary work, of proclaiming her errors, and de- 
nouncing her sins, until she learns to do justice and love 
mercy. 

(He (Mr. T.) thought he might with some justice complain 
of the manner in which he had been treated by his opponent. 
He (Mr. T.) had made every concession which truth and justice 



105 

would warrant to Mr. B. ; had honored his motives, and studi- 
ously separated him from those upon whom his heaviest cen- 
sures had fallen — the lovers and abettors of the slave system. 
But a similar course had not been pursued towards him. In 
many ways his motives had been impeached and his statements 
so denied as to throw discredit upon his intentions in making 
them. In a word, Mr. B's. whole course had been wanting in 
that courtesy which he had a right to expect would be exhib- 
ited by one disputant towards another. At the same time, he 
earnestly desired Mr. B. to state freely all he thought of his 
motives and conduct. 

A few moments yet remaining, he would say a word or two 
in reference to the designs attributed to the abolitionists, in 
respect of the privileges to which the colored people were enti- 
tled. He denied that the abolitionists had ever asked for the 
blacks, either in regard to political rights or social privileges, 
anything unreasonable. They asked for their immediate re- 
lease from personal bondage, and a subsequent participation of 
civil rights ; according to the amount in which they possessed 
the qualifications demanded of others. Where, in the docu- 
ments of abolitionists, was the doctrine of instant and universal 
enfranchisement, of which so much had been heard ? He knew 
not the abolitionist who had contended for such a thing. He 
asked nothing for him over and above what would be freely be- 
stowed on him if he were white. Oh ! it was an awful crime 
to have a black skin ! There lay all the disqualification. 

The great fault which Mr. B. seemed to find with the prin- 
ciples of the abolitionists was that they were too lofty ; too 
grand ; too little accommodated to the spirit of the age ; that, 
in the adoption of their views and principles, they had not con- 
sulted the manners and habits and prejudices of their country ; 
and the whole of his (Mr. Breckinridge's) argument had been 
in favor of expediency. He hated that word "expediency," as 
ordinarily used. It contained, as he had often said, the doctrine 
of devils. It was so congenial with our depraved nature to 
make ourselves a little wiser than God — to believe that we 
understood better than God's servants of old the best way of re- 
forming mankind. Oh ! that men would take the Almighty at 
his word, and simply doing their duty, leaving him to take care 
of consequences. Doubtless, the dauntless Hebrew, Daniel, 
was deemed, in his day, a rash man. He might so very easily 
have escaped the snare laid for him. Why did he not go to the 
back of the house ? Why not shut the window ? Why could 
he not pray silently to the searcher of hearts ? Daniel scorned 
compromise. He prayed as he had ever prayed — aloud — with 
his window open, and his face to Jerusalem. He boldly met 
the consequences. He walked to the lion's den — he entered, 
14 



106 

he remained : but lo ! on the third day he came forth un- 
hurt, to tell mankind to the end of time that, if they will do 
their duty and trust in Daniel's God, no weapon formed against 
them shall prosper, but they shall in His strength stop the 
mouths of lions, and put to flight the armies of the aliens. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE said that, so far as the present respecta- 
ble audience was concerned, he would make but a single remark. 
Mr. Thompson and he had already trespassed on their patience, 
but they would probably do so no longer than to-morrow night; 
at least so far as he was concerned, he thought it unneces- 
sary, if not improper. The chief reason of his (Mr. B's.) com- 
ing here was to defend the churches, ministers and Christians 
of America, from the false and dreadful charges which had been 
proclaimed over Britain against them by Mr. Thompson, and 
which he had challenged all the world to give him an opportu- 
nity to prove. Upon this topic that gentleman had, as yet, 
fought shy. He could wait on him no longer. They might 
expect, therefore, that next evening he would take up that sub- 
ject, whether Mr. Thompson should follow him or not. If the 
audience considered that the general subject had been suffi- 
ciently discussed already — as from some manifestations he was 
inclined to suppose — he would at once retire. (Slight hissing.) 
Was he to consider that as an answer in the affirmative ? (Re- 
newed hissing.) AVhy, then, he had erred in laying any of the 
blame of trying their patience on Mr. Thompson, and it was his 
duty to take it all to himself; and, when he returned home, to 
tell his countrymen that no charges were too gross or caluminous 
to be entertained against them — nor any length of time, a 
weariness in hearing them — but that the hearing of defence 
and proof of innocence was an insupportable weariness. (In- 
creased hissing, with cries of ' no'.) The only remaining suppo- 
sition was, that Mr. T's. partizans had become convinced he 
needed succor, and therefore gave it most naturally in the form of 
organized violence. (The hissing was again attempted, but was 
put down by the general voice of the meeting.) Mr. T., he 
said, had at length brought accusations against him, and had 
complained that although he (Mr. T.) had repeatedly and cor- 
dially expressed good feelings towards him, (Mr. B.) he had in 
no instance returned this knidness or justice ; nor said a word 
favorable to him throughout the debate. He would appeal to 
the Chairman, to know distinctly, if Mr. Thompson had any 
right to demand, or if he (Mr. B.) were bound to express his 
opinion of that individual. Because, continued Mr. B., as 1 
have in the beginning said that Mr. T. as an individual could 
be nothing to me or my countrymen, I have preferred to be 
silent as to him individually. If he is right, however, in bring- 



107 

mg such things as charges against me, and continues to demand 
my opinion, I will give it fearlessly. But let him beware — for 
I will call no man friend who gains his bread by calumniating 
my country. Nor can he who traduces my bretheren — my 
kindred — my home — all that I most venerate and revere — 
honor me so much as by traducing me. They had been told 
that Mr. J. G. Birney had fled from Kentucky, and left his wife 
and children behind him in great danger, he being obliged to 
flee for his life. It was true, he believed, that Mr. Birney, ex- 
cellent and beloved as he was, had found it best to emigrate 
from that State. But that he had fled, rested, he believed, on Mr. 
T's. naked assertion. That he had left his wife and children 
behind, believing them to be in personal danger, was a thing 
which it would require amazingly clear proof to establish against 
the gentleman in question. But he would show to the meeting 
that there was one individual who could do such an act. (Mr. 
B. then read the following extract from a speech, delivered at a 
meeting in Edinburgh, on the 28th of January, 1836 :) 

" He stood there not to defame America. It was true they had persecuted him ; 
but that was a small matter. It was true they had hunted him like a partridge on 
the mountains; that he had to lecture with the assassin's knife glancing before 
his eves; AND HIS WIFE AND HIS LITTLE ONES WERE IN DANGER 
OF FALLING BY THE RUTHLESS HANDS OF MURDERERS." 

And again, from the preface to the same pamphlet in which 
the above cited speech is found, a pamphlet intended perhaps 
for America, and called, " A Voice to her from the Metropolis of 
Scotland," the following paragraph occurs : — 

" Mr. Thompson having proceeded by way of St. John's, New Brunswick, em- 
barked on board of a Britislj vessel for Liverpool, where he arrived on the 4th of 
January, and on the I2th was happily joined by his family who had left New- York 
on the 16th December. 

So that it appeared from these statements that Mr. Thompson, 
believing that the Americans meant to take away the lives of 
his wife and children, left them to their fate while he prudently 
consulted his own safety by flight. In regard to the alleged 
case of the sale of a free man of color, at Washington city, the 
proof stood thus : Mr. T. broadly asserted, again and again, 
that a free man had been sold, without trial, into eternal slavery. 
He, (Mr. B.) without knowing the especial facts relied on, but 
knowing America, and knowing abolitionism, had flatly and 
emphatically denied that such a thing ever did or could happen 
in the District of Columbia. Mr. Thompson re-asserts, and 
triumphantly proves it, as he says. His first step in the proof is, 
a printed scrap, which, he says, is the identical memorial laid 
on the table of the Senate of the United States, who, as they 
received and printed it, he insinuates, thereby avouched its 
truth. Upon which principle I also avouch all Mr. T.'s charges, 



108 

as I hear them and consent to their publication. But, he adds, 
there were once one thousand signatures to this document, all 
witnesses of the truth of its contents. To which I reply — I see 
no name to it at all now ; and secondly, if there were a million, 
the paper does not assert, much less prove, what Mr. T. pro- 
duces it to sustain. It merely declares that the man said he 
was free ; without even expressing the opinion of the writer or 
any signer of the paper. Now, upon this ease, and this proof, 
it is nearly certain that the man was not free, and extremely 
probable that the whole case is fictitious. For the glorious writ 
of habeas corpus, one of the main pillars of your liberty — a 
privileged writ which no English judge, for his right hand, 
would dare illegally refuse ; that writ is one of the great heir- 
looms we got with our Anglo-Saxon blood, and is dearer to us 
than that blood itself. Here, by act of Parliament, you do 
sometimes suspend this writ ; with us the tyrant does not 
breathe who would dare to whisper a wish for its suspension. 
Now, if this man was, or believed himself to be free, what 
hindered him, from the moment of his arrest to that of his sale, 
from demanding and receiving a fair trial ? Will it be said he" 
did not know his rights ? But will it be pretended that the one- 
thousand signers of the memorial, the many abolitionists at 
Washington of whom Mr. T. boasts, did not know his rights — 
in a land where every man knows and is ready to defend his 
rights ? If they did not, they were thrice sodden asses, fit only 
to be tools in gulling mankind into the belief of a tale that had 
not feasibility enough to gull a child. Upon the face of his 
own proof Mr. Thompson had shown that he had not the 
slightest authority for the assertions he had so often made in 
arguing this case ; by all of which he intended to make men 
believe that in America it was not uncommon to sell free men 
into slavery ! Mr. Breckinridge then resumed the consideration 
of abolition principles ; the third of which was, that all preju- 
dice against color is sinful, and that everything which induces 
us to refuse any social, personal, religious, civil, or political 
right to a black man, which is allowed to a white one, not 
superior to him in moral or intellectual qualifications, is a preju- 
dice, and therefore sinful. He believed this to be a fair state- 
ment of their principles on that head. And he would, in the 
first place, remark concerning them, that even if they were 
true, Avhich he denied, the discussion of them was worse than 
useless. It could not advance the cause of emancipation, nor 
improve the condition of the free blacks. And whatever the 
abolitionists might say, the slaves when freed would follow 
their own course and inclinations ; nor could the declaration of 
an abstract principle alter either their conduct or that of the 
whites, in any material degree. If, as Mr. Thompson asserted, 



109 

prejudice against color was the national sin of America, the 
plague-spot of the nation, it had just as often been asserted by 
others that the prejudice itself originated at first out of the rela- 
tion of slavery. The latter Avas the disease, the former a mere 
symptom. If there were no black slaves on earth there would 
no longer be any aversion against that color, which went beyond 
the invariable and mutual restraints of nature, or was tolerated 
by a proper Christian liberty. They know little of human 
prejudices who do not know that they are more invincible in 
the bulk of mankind than the dictates of reason, or the impulses 
of virtue itself. The case of the abolitionists must therefore 
be pronounced foolish on their own showing. For they under- 
took to break down the strongest of all prejudices, as they 
themselves say, as a condition precedent to the doing of acts 
which, to do at all, required great pecuniary sacrifices and a 
high tone of moral feeling. But if, as I shall try to show, their 
doctrines are contrary to all the course of nature and all the 
teachings of Providence — their behavior is to be considered 
little else than sheer madness. Again : even if it did not 
prejudice the case of the slave— as none can deny it did — to 
agitate this question of color, and mix it up inseparably with 
the question of freedom, of what use was it to him? If the 
whites treat him with scorn, give him his liberty — ^and he may 
pity, forgive, or return the scorn. What advantage was he to 
gain as a slave, by the discussion, even if no harm came from 
it ? What advantage Was he to obtain as a freeman even if its 
agitation did not forever prevent him from being free ? It is, 
in all its aspects, the most remarkable illustration of a weak, 
heady, and ignorant fanaticism which this age has produced, 
and has been, of them all, the most fruitful of evil. The truth 
was, that many of the rights and privileges of free persons of 
color were better secured to them in America than correspond- 
ing rights and privileges were to the white peasantry of any 
other country on the globe. With regard to the religious rights 
of colored persons, he could only say that he had sat in Presby- 
teries with them, that he had dispensed the Sacrament to them 
together with white persons; and that he and multitudes of 
others had sat in the same class Avith them at our Theological 
Seminaries. As for all the stories which Mr. T. was accustom- 
ed to tell about Dr. Sprague having part of his church curtained 
round for persons of color, he knew personally nothing, and 
noticed it only because it was told as a specimen story. He 
merely knew that Dr. Sprague was accounted a benevolent 
man, and common charity required him not readily to believe 
anything of him in a bad sense which could be justified in a 
good one. But if there was anything so very exclusive and 
revolting in these marksof superiority or inferiority in a church, 



no 

let them not look to America alone ; nor limit their sympathies 
exclusively to the blacks. In almost every church in England 
in which he had been, from the cathedral of St. Paul's at Lon- 
don, to the curate's village church, he had seen seats railed off, 
or curtained, or cushioned, or elevated, and some how distin- 
guished from the rest. And when he inquired why these 
things were so, and for whose accommodation, the answer was 
ready. " O, that is for My Lord this ; or Sir Harry that ; or 
Mr. Prebend so and so ; or the Lord Bishop of what not.'^ 
And very often, even in dissenting chapels, he had seen part of 
the seats of an inferior description in particular parts of the house, 
which he had as often been told were free seats for the poor ; 
an arrangement which has struck him as favorably as the sim- 
ilar one in Dr. Sprague's church did Mr. T. the reverse. 
This preparation of free and separate seats for the poor is, if he' 
is rightly informed, nearly universal, in both the Scotch and 
English establishments, whenever the poor have seats in their 
churches. Now, if Mr. Thompson wished to begin a system of 
levelling-^if he meant to preach universal equality, why did he 
not begin here ? Why did he not try to convert Earl Grey and 
Lord Melbourne, instead of going across the Atlantic in order to 
try his experiments on the despised Americans ? As to the civil 
rights of the free blacks in America, the most erroneous notions 
were entertained in both countries, hut especially here. The 
truth was, they enjoyed greater civil rights than the peasantry of 
Britain herself; and those rights were fully as well protected in 
their exercise. Their right to acquire property of any kind, 
anywhere, without being hedged about with exclusive privileges 
and ancient corporations ; their right to enjoy that property, un- 
encumbered with poor rates, and church rates, and tithes and 
tiends, and untold taxes and vexations ; their right to pursue 
trades, callings, or business, without regard to monopolies, and 
innumerable vexatious and worrying preliminaries ; their right 
to be free in person — subject neither to forcible impressment, 
nor to the serveilance of an innumerable police : their right to 
be cared for in sickness and destitution, without questions of 
domicile previously settled ; their right to the speedy and cheap 
administration of justice without " sale, denial or delay " — and 
unattended with ruinous expenses ; these, with whatever may 
truly be considered civil rights, are enjoyed by the free col- 
ored people in nearly every part of America, to a degree utterly 
unknown by millions of British subjects, not only in the East 
and West-Indies, but in Ireland, and even in England itself. 
Jf any rights had been denied them, as the following of certain 
professions, as that of a minister of the gospel, for example, as 
Virginia had lately done, he could point their attention to the 
time when these laws were passed, and show that' it was not 



Ill 

till after the era of abolition ; and that would never have been, 
but for its fury. It was not till after they had learned with 
bell book and candle to curse the white man, and teach sedition 
and murder to the slaves. The nature of political rights claimed 
by Mr. Thompson for the blacks, in his sweeping claim to 
have them put on a footing of perfect equality with the whites, 
seemed to be utterly unknown to him, both as to their origin 
and character. Whilst he advocated a scheme in America 
which demanded the most extensive political changes, and 
claimed pjDlitical rights as the birthright of certain parties, he 
still persisted in assuring the British nation that he had never 
touched the subject in a political aspect ! Now what political 
rights does he claim for the free blacks — and denounce all Amer- 
ica for refusing, on account of this prejudice against color ? Is it 
right of suffrage ? is it right of office ? is it perfect, personal, and 
political equality ? If not, what does he mean ? But if he means 
that it already exists in all the free States and in several of the 
slave States, in behalf of the free blacks, to a far greater extent 
than the same exists in England, as between the privileged 
classes and the bulk of the nation, though all are white, — I bold- 
ly assert, that a greater part of the free men of color in America 
did enjoy perfect political privileges at the rise of abolitionism, 
than of the white men of Britain at this day. There were more 
free black voters in North America, in projiortion to the free 
black race, than there are white voters in all Britain, in propor- 
tion to the white inhabitants of the British empire. And this, 
even leaving out the red millions of the East, and the black 
thousands of the West-Indies ; and making the Reform Bill the 
basis of calculation ! If some have been deprived of these priv- 
ileges, let abolitionists blame themselves. If in most places these 
privileges have been dormant, it only proves that their exercise 
was a very secondary advantage — that the present outcry is 
but the more wicked and absurd. As to the social rights which 
were demanded for the slaves and free blacks both, there seemed 
to be a complete confusion of ideas in the minds of the abolition- 
ists. Did they mean to say that all distinctions and gradations 
of rank were iniquitous, or did they mean that men ought to 
enjoy rights because they were black, which were justly denied 
to the whites? Who had ever heard of a nobleman marrying 
a gipsy ? or, of a king of England marrying a laborer's daugh- 
ter ? But the fact was, everything tended to prove that in 
preaching against the alledged prejudice against color, the abo- 
litionists were really advocating general amalgamation. There 
were three opinions on the the subject : 1st. That in a State 
situated like most of those in America, public policy required 
the mixture of the races to be prohibited ; so that, in nearly all 
the States, intermairiages were prohibited, and in many States 



112 

they were punishable as a felony with fine or imprisonment. 
2d. That the practice was inexpedient, but so far innocent as 
to be left to the discretion of the parties, which he believed was 
the opinion of sober-minded people generally in this country. 
3d. That, as the chief practical objection to it is a sinful prej- 
udice against color, that prejudice is to be broken down, and the 
contrary right upheld, as neither improper nor inexpedient, when 
voluntarily exercised. This last, or even a much stronger ad- 
vocacy of amalgamation, is the doctrine of abolitionism ; facts 
deducible from their declaration of independence, and found in 
the whole scope of their writings and speeches. Mr. Breckin- 
ridge then went on to show the utter folly, and, as he believed, 
wickedness of advocating amalgamation ; or so acting or talking 
as to create the universal impression that was what was meant. 
In the first place, the result after which the abolitionists seemed 
to strive, was impossible ; in the most strict sense of the terms, 
naturally or physically impossible. He by no means meant to 
contend with some freethinkers, who, to upset the Mosaic cos- 
mogony, asserted that the difl'erent races of men were not fruit- 
ful if intermixed beyond a given and very near point. But what 
he meant was this : all who believe the Mosaic account of the 
origin of the human race, must, of course, believe that they 
were once all of one complexion. Now, if they could all be 
amalgamated and made of one complexion again, those causes, 
whatever they are, which have produced so great diversities, 
would, after a time, reproduce them. And having gratified Mr. 
Thompson and his friends, by universal levelling and mixing the 
world, would soon find that they had done a work which nature 
did not permit to stand ; and would again behold, in one belt 
upon the earth's siuface, the black, in another the red, and in 
a third the white man. And to whatever degree they carried 
their j)rinci[)les into practice, they would find proportionately 
great counteracting causes — continually fighting against them, 
and continually requiring the reproduction of their amalgama- 
ted breed, from the original stocks. This, then, is a fatal ob- 
jection to their scheme ; the course of nature is against it. But 
again, he would say, as a second fundamental ojection against 
ail SLich schemes, tliat wherever, in the past history of the world, 
the various races of men had been allowed freely to amalgamate, 
one of two concomitants had universally attended the process, 
namely, polygamy or ])rostitution. If either of these be per- 
mitted, as itmocent, amalgamation can easily be pushed through 
its first stage ; without one at least of these two engines, no 
progress has ever yet been made in this work of fighting against 
the overwhelming course of events. lie regretted he had not 
time to go over these branches of the argument with that jiains 
which he could wish. If he had, he believed, notwithstanding 



113 

all that Mr. Thompson had said, or might say, about sophistry, 
they could each of them be demonstrated as clearly as that gen- 
tleman could demonstrate any proposition in geometry. Again, 
in the third place, he believed, from what was contained in the 
Bible, that in preserving distinct from each other the three fam- 
ilies of mankind, as descended from the three sons of Noah, 
God had great and yet undeveloped purposes to accomplish. 
How far the whole history of his providence led to the same 
conclusion, he must leave to their own reflections to determine. 
But on the admission of such a truth as even possible — it was 
surely natural to look for something in the structure of nature 
that would effectually prevent the obliteration of either race. 
One may find this in those general considerations which make 
intermarriages, in his view, inexpedient ; or another in the in- 
nate and absolute instincts of the creature. But both will re- 
ceive with suspicion, as an undoubted and fundamental rule of 
Christian morals, a dogma which requires us to contend against 
the clear leadings of providence, and the good and merciful in- 
tentions of our Creator. We tax our faith but slightly when we 
believe that as soon as these purposes of mercy and glory are 
accomplished, and the signal revolution in the social condition 
of man now contended for shall be required by the Almighty, 
we may look for a channel of communication between him and 
the world more in accordance with the Spirit of his Son than 
any which has yet brought us messages on the subject. The 
fourth objection which struck him against this whole proceed- 
ure was, that in point of fact the world has need of every race 
that now exists on its surface. It has taken forty centuries to 
adjust the nicely-balanced and adapted relations and proportions 
of a vast and complicated structure, — which the finger of all- 
pervading wisdom has itself guided in all the steps of its devel- 
opment. And now, a stroke of the pen is to subvert it all, and 
one dictum, of the world knows not whom, accomplish the 
most stupendous revolution which all these forty centuries have 
witnessed. Suppose the end gained. If any one race now ex- 
isting was obliterated, or very materially altered in its physical 
condition, how large a proportion of the world's surface would 
become speedily depopulated, and so remain until the present 
condition of things were restored ! If this could happen as to 
every race hxit one, what a wreck would the earth exhibit ! He 
who will look with a Christian's eye abroad upon the families 
of men, must feel that to accomplish the great hopes that his 
heart has conceived for this ruined world, he needs every race 
that now peoples it ; and must see the hand of God in arresting 
so speedily and so signally this pernicious heresy. In the fifth 
place, he suggested an argument against amalgamation, which 
at once showed the injustice of the outcry against America, and 
15 



114 

the total inconsiderateness of Mr. Thompson and his party. 
The fact was that this prejudice of color, as it was called, was 
in all respects mutual ; and so far from being the peculiar sin of 
America, was the common instinct of the human race, and ex- 
isted as really, if not as strongly on the side of the colored 
population as on that of the whites. In proof of this, Mr. 
Breckinridge cited the case of Hayti, where no man is al- 
lowed the rights of citizenship, unless a certain portion of black 
blood runs in his veins ; and that of Richard Lander, who, 
while travelling in the interior of Africa, as the servant of 
Park, was looked upon with comparative favor by the natives 
on account of his dark complexion, while his master, who was 
of a very fair complexion, was far less a favorite on that account. 
The North American Indians and the blacks more readily 
intermixed than the Indians and the Avhites, while the latter 
connexion, which is not indeed uncommon, is formed by the 
marriage of a white man with a squaw ; never, or most rarely, 
of an Indian and a white woman, the slight, and most exagger- 
ated number of mulattoes, are nearly without exception, the 
offspring of white men and colored women. These facts seemed 
to show the reality and nature or the mutual aversion of 
which I have spoken ; an aversion never overcome but in gross 
minds. And the whole current of remark proves that those 
who attempted to promote amalgamation are fighting equally 
against the purposes of providence, the convictions of rea- 
son, and the best impulses of nature. He had much to say, 
which time failed him to say, on the spirit in which the aboli- 
tion had been advocated in America. He would therefore 
merely remark whether it might be taken as a compliment, or 
the reverse, that the spirit of all Mr. Thomson's speeclies, which 
he had heard or read — might give them a tolerable idea of the 
spirit of abolitionism everywhere : a spirit which many seemed 
to consider as from above, but for himself he prayed to be pre- 
served from any such spirit. He had much also to say upon 
the malignant feeling and spirit of insubordination which had 
been produced by the discussion of these questions in the 
breasts of multitudes of free colored people. The riots, of 
which so much had been said in this country, were as often 
produced by the imprudence and insolence of these deluded 
people, as by the wanton violence and prejudice's of the lowest 
classes of the whites. In consequence of the influence of the 
Jacobinical j)rinciples of the abolitionists, many free colored 
servants left employments they had held for years; because the 
claim then first set up, of jierfcct domestic equality with their 
masters, was refused ; while many cases of insult to females, 
in the streets of our cities, signalized the .same season and spirit. 
He had also much to say of the wide-spread feeling, looking 



115 

towards immediate deliverance, from a distance, and by force, 
which suddenly, and, if the abolitionists are innocent as they 
pretend, miraculously got possession of the minds of the slaves 
over all the southern country ; and which led to such stern, and 
but the more unhappy, if necessary, consequences. It had been 
said, in justification of his conduct by Mr. Thompson, that per- 
suasion had never yet induced any one to relax his hold on 
slaves — and that as for America, it particular, she would never 
be made to feel ought on the subject, till her pride and fears 
were awakened. To that he would reply that, as regarded 
pride, perhaps America had her share of it ; but if abolition was 
not to be looked for till her fears granted it, he apprehended 
they would have sufficient time yet left to send Mr. Thompson 
on several new voyages before the whole country was fright- 
ened into his terms. 



117 



FIFTH NIGHT — FRIDAY, JUNE 17. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE said that the order of the exercises 
of this evening had, without the fault of any one, placed him 
in a position which was not the most natural. Considering that 
it was his duty to support the negative of the point for this 
evening's discussion, it would have been most natural had the 
affirmation been first brought out. He said this arrangement 
was not the fault of any one, because it was not known that 
the point would fall to be discussed on this particular evening ; 
for had it fallen on last night or to-morrow night, the order 
would have been as it ought to be. His position was, however, 
made somewhat better by the fact, that nothing that Mr. 
Thompson could say this evening, in an hour or two, could al- 
ter the assertions which he had already repeatedly made and 
published in Britain. Since the notice of this discussion had 
been published, he had, through the providence of God, been 
put in possession of six or seven papers and pamphlets contain- 
ing the substance of what had been said by Mr. Thompson 
throughout the country, and reiterated by associated bodies of 
his friends under his eye. After reading these carefully, he 
found himself pretty fully possessed of that individual's charges 
and testimony against the ministers, private Christians, and 
churches of America; he would, therefore, take them as he 
found them in those publications, while Mr. Thompson's pre- 
sence would enable him to explain, correct, or deny anything 
that might be erroneously stated. The first thing he should 
attempt to do, was to impeach the competency of Mr. Thomp- 
son as a witness in this or any similar case. Mr. Thompson 
had shown that he was utterly incompetent, wisely to gather 
and faithfully to report testimony on any subject involving 
great and complicated principles. He did not wish to say any- 
thing personally offensive to Mr. Thompson ; but he must be 
plain, and he would first produce proof of what he said, which 
was as it regarded this whole nation perfectly ad hominem. He 
would show the audience what Mr. Thompson had said of 
them, and then they would better judge what was his compe- 
tency to be a witness against the Americans. At a meeting in 



118 

the Hopeton Rooms at Edinburgh, since his return from the 
United States, Mr. Thompson said : 

We were really under a worse bondage than the slaves of the United States. 
We kissed our cliainsand hugged our fetters. We were governed by our drunken 
appetite. 

The lecturer, in the concluding portion of his address, depicted in atone of high 
moral feeling, the degraded condition of Great Britain as a nation, in consequence 
of her extreme drunkenness. He shewed that habits of intemperance, or feelings 
and prejudices generatecLby intemperance, pervaded every class, from the highest 
to the lowest, the richest To the poorest. Statesmen bowed upon the altar of expe- 
diency ; and, above all, the sanctuary was not clean. As a Christian nation, we were 
paraUzed in our efforts to evangelize the world — partly by the millions upon millions 
actually expended upon ardent spirits — partly by the selfish and demoralizing 
feelings which this sensual indulgence in particular was known to produce. How 
could we, as a nation, upbraid America with her system of slavery when we our- 
selves were but glorying in a voluntary slavery of a thousand times more defiling 
and abominable description ? In our own country, it might be said that there was, 
as it were, a conspiracy against the bodies and souls of her people. 

Now in any Court of Justice, he would take his stand upon 
the fact that the man who made that speech must be a mono- 
maniac^ and he beheved no competent tribunal, after hearing 
it, would receive his testimony as to the character or conduct 
of any nation on the face of the earth. Or if there lingered a 
doubt on the subject, he should show from the burden of his 
charges against America, that he spoke in the same general 
spirit, and nearly in the very same terms of her as of Britain, 
although the fault found with each country was totally differ- 
ent. He spoke of each as the very worst nation on the earth, 
because of the special crime charged. Any man who could 
allow himself to say that the two most enlightened nations on 
earth were in substance the two most degraded nations on 
earth ; who could permit himself to bring such railing accusa- 
tions successively against two great people, on account of 
the sins of a small portion of each, which he had looked at 
till he could see nothing else, and with the perseverance of a 
goldleaf-beater, exercised his ingenuity in stretching out to 
the utmost limits over each community ; a man who not only 
can see little to love anywhere that does not derive its com- 
plexion from himself, and who, the moment he finds a blot 
on his brethren, or his country, instead of walking backwards 
and hiding it with the filial piety of the elder sons of Noah, 
mocks over it with the rude and unfeeling bitterness of Canaan ; 
such a man is worthily impeached, as incompetent to testify. 
Nay, I put the issue where Mr. Thompson has put it. If this 
nation be such as he has described it to be, I demand, with 
unanswerable emphasis, how can it dare to call us, or any 
other people, to account on any subject whatever ? If, on the 
other hand, what he has said of this nation be false, I equally 
demand how can he be credited in what he says of us — of 
any other nation under the sun ? After this caveat against all 
that such a witness could say, he would in the first place ob- 



119 

serve, that all the accusations brought by Mr. Thompson 
against Americans, were imbued with such bitterness and in- 
temperance as ought to awaken suspicion in the minds of all 
who hear them. There was visible not only a violent national 
antipathy against that whole country, but also a strong preju- 
dice in favor of the one side and against the other in the local 
parties there, which, before any impartial tribunal, ought 
greatly to weaken any credit that might otherwise be attached 
to his testimony. Besides an open hostility to the nation as 
such, and a most envomed hatred to certain men, parties, and 
principles in America, the witness has exhibited such a wounded 
feeling of vanity from his want of success in America ; such a 
glorying of his friends, and that just in proportion to their sub- 
serviency to him, and such a contemptuous and unmerited de- 
preciation of his opponents, as should put every man who reads 
or hears his proofs at once on his guard. As to the opinions 
and conclusions of such a person, even from admitted facts, 
they are of course worthless ; and his inferences from hearsay 
and idle reports, worse than trash. But what I mean to say is, 
that such a witness, considered strictly as testifying to what he 
asserts of his own knowledge, is to be heard by a just man 
with very great caution. For my own part, at the risk of be- 
ing called again a pettifogger, by this informer, I am bound to 
say that his conduct impeaches his credibility fully as much as 
it has before been shown to affect his competency ; and while 
I have peculiar knowledge of the facts, sufficient to assert that 
his main accusations are false, I fully believe that the case he 
had himself made, did of itself justify all good men to draw 
the same conclusion, merely from general principles. I will 
venture to go a step farther, and express the opinion that they 
who are acquainted with Mr. Thompson, as he exhibits him- 
self in the public eye, and who have knowledge of the past 
success, which really did, or which he allows himself to be- 
lieve did attend his efforts in West-India emancipation, (a suc- 
cess, however, which I do not comprehend, as the case was 
settled against him and his party, on the two chief points on 
which they staked themselves, namely, immediate abolition 
and no compensation,) they who can call to mind the prepara- 
tion and pretension with which he set out for America, the 
gigantic work he liad carved for himself there, the signal de- 
ieat he met with, and the terror in which he fled the country ; 
may find enough to justify the tear that the fate u( George 
Thompson has fully as large a share in his reoollootions of 
America as tlie fate of the poor lilave. In the scrond plo.rc, I 
charge upon Mr. Th.)ni]ison that those parts of his statemenis 
which might possibly be in part true, are so jnU as to create 
false impressions, and have nearly the same effect as if they 



120 

were wholly false on the minds of those who read or hear 
them. This results from the constant manner of stating what 
might possibly be true ; and it is not only calculated to produce 
a false impression, and make the casual reader believe in a re- 
sult different from what would be presented if Mr. Thompson 
were on oath and forced to tell the whole truth, but the uni- 
formity and dexterity with which this is done, leaves us aston- 
ished how it could be accidental. He (Mr. B.) assumed that 
all of them, had read or would read Mr. Thompson's charges. 
After doing so they would the better apprehend what was now 
meant ; but, in the mean time, he would illustrate it by a case 
or two. Thus, when Mr. T. spoke of the ministers in the 
United States being slave-holders, he did it in such a way as to 
lead the reader to believe that this was a general thing ; that the 
most of them, if not the whole of them, were slave-owners. 
He did not tell them that none of the ministers in twelve 
whole States were or could easily be slave-holders, seeing they 
were not inhabitants of a slave State ; he did not tell them 
that the cases of ministers owning slaves were rare even in 
some of the slave States ; and a fair sample of the majority in 
not a single State of the Union ; he left the charge indefinite, 
and did not condescend to tell whether the number of minis- 
ters so accused was one half, or one third, or one fourth, or one 
hundredth part of the whole number in the United States. He 
left it wholly indefinite, on the broad charge that American 
ministers were slave-holding ministers; knowing, perhaps in- 
tending, that the impression taken up should be of the aggre- 
gate mass of American ministers ; when he knew himself all 
the while that the overwhelming mass of American ministers 
had never owned a slave ; and that those who had, were ex- 
ceptions from the general rule rather than samples of the whole. 
It may well bo asked how much less sinful it was to rob men 
of their good name, than of their freedom ? Not content with 
even this injustice, Mr. Thompson had gone so far as to charge 
the ministers of America with dealing in slaves ; slave-driving 
ministers and slave-dealing ministers, were amongst his com 
mon accusations. Now, said Mr. B., he would lay a strong 
constraint upon himself, and reply to these statements as if 
they were not at once atrocious and insupportable. The terms 
used by Mr. Thompson were lunversally understood in the 
United States, to mean the carrying on of a regular traffic in 
slaves as a business. The meaning was the same here, and 
every one who had heord or read one of his printed speeches, 
was ex vi termini obliged to understand this charge like the 
preceding, as expressing his testimony a;5 to the conduct ot 
American ministers generally, if not universally. 



121 

Now I will admit that there may be in America, one minister in 
one thousand, or perhaps five hundred, who may at some period of 
his ministry, when he liad no sufficient hght on the subject, have 
bought or sold slaves a single time, or perhaps twice, or possibly thrice. 
Bin I solemnly declare 1 never knew, nor lieard of, nor do I believe 
there exists in all America, one such minister, as is above .described ; 
nor any sect that would hold fellowship with him. He would throw 
under the third treneral head charges of a different kind from the 
preceding. Mr, Thompson, when generalities fail, takes up some ex- 
treme case, which might probably be founded on truth, and gives it as 
a specimen of the general practice ; thereby creating by false in- 
stances, as well as by indefinite accusations, an impression which he 
knows to be entirely foreign from the truth. If he, (Mr. B.) were to 
tell in America that on his way to this meeting to-night, he saw two 
blind men begging in the streets, with their arms locked to support 
their tottering steps, while the crowd passed them idly by ; and if he 
gave this as a specimen of the manner in which the unfortunate poor 
were treated in Scotland, he would 'not give a worse impression, nor 
make a more unfair statement of the fact, than Mr. Thompson had 
done, nearly without exception, in his statements of America. Such 
a spirit and practice as this, |)ervaded the whole of Mr. Thompson's 
speeches. He would select a few instances to enforce his meaning. 
There was a single Presbyterian Church at Nashville, Tennessee. 
Now he, (Mr. B.) happened, in the providence of God, to be some- 
what acquainted with the past history of that church ; and was happy 
to call its present benevolent minister his friend. He could conse- 
quently speak of it from his own knowledge. Mr. Thompson said 
that a young man went to Nashville, who, either through his own im- 
prudence, or the violence of the disjointed times, was arrested, tried 
by a popular committee, found guilty of spreading seditious papers, 
and sentenced to be whipped ; that he had received twenty lashes, 
and was then discharged. This he believed to be substantially true, 
and well remembered hearing of the occurrence ; and taking the 
young man's account of it as true, he had been greatly shocked at it, 
and had now no idea of defending it. But in Mr. Thompson's state- 
ment of the case, there was a minute misrepresentation, which show- 
ed singular indifference to facts. Mr. T. said the young man went 
to Tennessee to sell cottage bibles, in which business he succeeded 
well, for the reason, adds the narrator, that Bibles were scarce in 
the South ; although he could not fail to know, that before the period 
in question, every family in all those States that would receive a Bi- 
ble, had been furnished with one by the various Bible Societies. This, 
however, was not the main reason for a reference to this case ; but 
was mentioned incidentally, to show the nature of the feelings and ac- 
cusations indulged in by this gentleman. His account went on to say, 
sometimes that there were seven, sometimes eleven elders of this 
Presbyterian Church. It was not intended to lay any stress on the 
discrepancy ; as the fault might be the reporter's. But seven, or 
IG 



122 

eleven ; it was again and again charged, tliat all of them, every one, 
was present, trying, and consenting to the punishment of the nnhappy 
young man, "plowing up hi? back," and mingling, perhaps in the 
mob who cursed him, even for his prayers. To make the case inex- 
pressibly horrible, it is added, that these seven or eleven elders, had 
as to part of them, distributed the sacramental elements, to the abo- 
litionist, the very Sabbath before, the day on wi)ich the seven elders 
participated in this outrage. iVow [ say first, that if this story were 
literally true, no man knows better than Mr. Thompson, that no false- 
hood could be more glaring than to say or insinuate, that the case 
would be a fair average specimen of what the leading men in the 
American churches generally might be expected to do, in like circum- 
stances. Yet for this purpose, he has repeatedly used it ! No man 
could know better than he, that if the case were true in all its parts, 
it would every where be accounted a violent and unprecedented thing, 
which could happen at all only in most extraordinary circumstances. 
Yet he has so stated it, over and over, as to force the impression that 
it is a fair sample of American Christianity. But, said Mr. B. I call 
in question all parts of the story, that implicate any Christian. 1 do 
not believe tlie statements. Let me have proof. I do not believe 
there were either seven or eleven elders in tlie church in question. 
Record their names. If there were so many, it is next to impossible, 
that every one of them, was on the comparatively small committee 
that tried the abolitionist. Produce the proofs ; and I believe it will 
turn out, that if either of them was present, it was to mitigate popu- 
lar violence ; and that his influence ]ierhaps, saved the life of him he 
js traduced for having oppressed. He did not mean to stake his as- 
sertion against proof; but from his experience and general knowledge 
of the parties, he had no hesitation in giving it as his opinion, that the 
facts, wheo known, would not justify the assertions of Mr. Thomp- 
son, even as to the particular case ; and believing this, I again chal- 
lenge the production of his authority. But, if it be true in all its 
parts, I repeat, it is every thing but truth, to say that it afTords a just 
specimen of the elders of the Presbyterian Churches of America. 
Another case resembling the preceding in its principle, is found in 
what Mr. Thompson has said of the Baptists of the Southern States. 
There are, says he, above 157,000 tnembers in upwards of 3000 
Baptist Churches, in those States, "almost all both ministers and 
members being slave holders." Allowing this statement to be true, 
and that each slave holder has ten slaves on an average, which is too 
small for the truth, there would be an amount of slaves equal to 
1,570,000 owned by the Baptist of the Southern States. If tliis be 
true, and the census of 1830 true also, there were only left about 
500,000 slaves to divide among all the other churches ; leaving for 
the remainder of the people, none at all ! So that after all this, though 
churches be bad, the nation is clean enough. 

Let us now make some allowance for this gentleman's extravagance, 
especially as he did think he was speaking under correction, and di- 



123 

\ide his 157,000 Baptists into 52,000 families, of three professors of 
religion in each. This is more than tiie average for each family ; 
especially in a church admitting only adults ; and the true number of 
families, for that number of professors, would be nearer one hundred 
than fifty thousand. Twenty slaves to the family is below the average 
of the slave owning families of the South ; so that at the lowest rate, 
the Baptists in a few States, according to this person, own 1,040,000 
slaves at the least, or above half the number that our last census gives 
to the whole union. The extraordinary folly of such statements, 
would appear more clearly to the audience when they understood, 
that as large a proportion of all the blacks, as of all the whites in 
America are professors of religion ; that above half of all slaves who 
profess religion, are Baptists ; and that, therefore, if there are 157,000 
Baptists in the Southern States, instead of being " almost all slave 
holders," at least a third of them are themselves slaves. He gave 
these instances to show that Mr. Thompson had taken extreme cases 
containing some show of truth as specimens of the whole of America, 
and had thereby produced totally false impressions. What truth there 
was in them, was so terriffically exaggerated, that no dependence 
whatever could be placed upon any of his testimony. And this 
\Vould be still more manifest after examining the charge brought by 
Mr. Thompson, that the very churches in America own slaves; and 
several of his speeches contain a pretty little dialogue witli some slaves 
in the fields, the whole interest of wliich turns on their calling them- 
selves ''the Church's Slaves.'' This was spokenof as it were m 
accordance with the usual course of things in the United States. In- 
deed, Mr. Thompson had not only spoken with his usual violence 
and generality of the " slave holding churches of America," and de- 
clared his conviction that " all the guilt of the system" should be 
'laid "on the church of America ;" but at the very latest pint exhi- 
bition of himself and his friend Moses Roper, in London, it was stat- 
ed by the latter in one of his usual interludes to Mr. Thompson, per- 
hMps'in his presence, certainly uncontradicted, that slave holding was 
universally practised by "all Christian societies" in America ; the 
societies of Friends only excepted. It may excite a blushin Amer- 
ica, to know that the poor negro's silly falsehood was received with 
cheers by the London audience. 

What then should the similar declarations of Mr. Thompson, made 
deliberately and repeatedly, and with infinite pretence of candour and 
affection, w hat feelings can they excite ; and how will that in-ulted peo- 
ple regard the easy credulity which has led the Christians of Britain to 
believe and reiterate charges in which it is not easy to tell whether there 
is less truth or more malignity? For how stood the facts ? What church 
owns slaves ? What Christian corporation is a proprietor of men ? Out 
of our ten thousand churches perhaps half are involved in this sm_? 
Perhaps a tenth part? Surely one Presbytery at least ? No, — this 
mountain of fiction has but a grain of truth to support its vast and hate- 
ful proportions. If there be above five congregations in all America 



124 

that own slaves, I never heard of them. The actual number, o\ 
whose existence I ever heard, is, I believe, precisely three ! They 
are all Presbyterian congregations, and churches situated in the south- 
ern part of Virginia, and got into their unhappy condition in the fol- 
lowing manner : — Many years ago, during those times of ignorance at 
which God winked — when such a man as John Newton could go a 
slaving voyage to Africa, and write back that he never had enjoyed 
sweeter communion with God than on that voyage ; during such a 
period as that, a few well meaning individuals had bequeathed a small 
number of slaves for the support of the gospel in three or four church- 
es. These unfortunate legacies had increased and multiplied them- 
selves to a great extent, and under present circumstances to a most 
inconvenient degree. A fact which puts the clearest contradiction on 
that assertion of this " accuser of tlie brethren" — representing their 
condition as being one of unusual privation and suffering. Of late years 
these cases had attracted attention, and given great uneasiness to some 
of the persons connected with these churches. I have on this plat- 
form, kindly furnished me, like most of the other documents I have, 
since this debate was publicly known — a volume of letters written to 
one of these churches on the whole case, by the Rev. Mr, Paxton, at 
that time its pastor. That gentleman is now on this side of the At- 
lantic, and may perhaps explain what Mr. Thompson has so sedu- 
lously concealed ; how he was a colonlzationist ; how he manumitted 
and sent his own servants to Liberia ; how he labored in this particu- 
lar matter with his church, long before the existence of abolitionism ; 
and how, finding the difficulties insuperable, he had written this kind 
and modest volume, worth all the abolition froth ever spued forth, — 
and left the charge in which he found it so diflicult to preserve at once 
an honest conscience and a heallliful influence. It will not, however, 
be understood that even these few churches are worthy of the indis- 
criminate abuse lavished on us, all for their sakes ; nor that their [)re- 
sent path of duty is either an easy or a plain one. Wlietiier it is that 
there are express stipulations in the original instruments conveying 
the slaves in trust for certain purposes ; or whether tlie general prin- 
ciple of law, which would transfer to the State, or to the heir of the 
first owner, the slaves with their increase, — upon a failure of the in- 
tention of the donor, either by act of God, or of the |)arti(is th"mselvcs, 
embarrass the subject ; it is very certain that wiser and b( tter wen 
than either Mr. Thompson or myself, are convinced that these vilified 
churches have no |)ower whatever to set their slaves free. If the 
churches were to give up the slaves, it could only have the efft-ct, it is 
believed, to send them into everlasting bondage to the heirs of the 
original proprietors. They have therefore justly considered it better 
for the slaves themselves that they should remain as they were in a 
state of nominal st^rvitude, rather than be remitted into real slavery. 
Such is tlie real state of the few cases which ha\e fir-t been cxlrbited 
as the sin, if not the actual condition of the American churches ; and 
then exaggerated into the utmost turpitude by hiding every mitigating 



125 

circumstancej adding some purely new, and distorting all things. 
Whether right or wrong, the same state of things exists amongst the 
Society of Friends in North Carolina, to a partial extent, and in 
another form. They did not consider themselves liable to just cen- 
sure, although they held title in and authority over slaves, as individ- 
uals, while they gave them their whole earnings, and had collected 
large sums from their brethren in England, which were applied to the 
benefit of these slaves. It is not now for the first time that charges 
have been made against the Church of God — that Judah is like all 
the heathen. But all who embark in such courses — have met with 
the common fate of the revilers of God's people; and they, with such 
as select to stand in their lot — may find in the word of life a worse 
end apportioned for them, than even for those they denounce, in case 
every word they utter had been true. We bless God that no weapon 
formed against Zion can prosper. There wus one other instance 
which he had noted under tliis head as requiring some comment, which 
could not bear omission, regardin^f the private members of the Chris- 
tian churches in the United States, of whom a casual hearer or reader 
of Mr. Thompson's speeches would believe that the far greater part 
actually owned slaves ; that very few, and they almost exclusively 
abolitionists, considered slavery at all wrong ; that with one accord 
they deprived the slaves of all religious privileges, and used them, 
not only as a chattel, but as nothing else than a chattel. Accord- 
ins; to our last census, there were about 11,000,000 of whites, 
2,000,000 of slaves, and 400,000 free blacks in America, making a 
total of nearly thirteen and a half millions. All the slaves were gath- 
ered into the 12 most southerly states, free blacks were not far fronn 
half in the free and half in tlie slave slates, and of the whites over 
7,000,000 were in the free, and less than 3,000,000 in the slave 
states. The best information I possess on tliis subject, authorizes me 
to say — about 1 person in 9, throughout the nation, black and white, 
is a member of a Christian church, the proportion being somewhat 
larger to the north, and comparatively smaller at the south. There 
are, therefore, above 1,100,000 white Christians in the United States, 
of which about 800,000 live in the 12 free States, and neither own 
slaves nor think slavery right ; leaving ratlier over 330,000 for the 
12 slave States. Now, if these white Christians in the slave States 
own all the slaves, and the other 8-9ths of the whites owned none at 
all, there will be only about 6 slaves to each Christian there, a num- 
ber far below the average of the slave holders ; and all the North, 
and all the South, except Christians, free of charge and guilt, in the 
specific thing. But i( we divide these Cliristians into families, and 
suppose there may be as many, as one in three or four of them, who 
is a head of a family, say 100,000 ; and that they own all the slaves : 
in that case, there would be an average of twenty slaves to every white 
head of a Christian family in the slave States. But here again all the 
slaves would be absorhed : all the North innocent, above two-thirds 
of the Christians at the Soutli proved to be not slave holders at all ; 



126 

and all the followers of the devil wholly innocent of that crime. 
These calculations demonstrate that these accusations are as ground- 
less and absurd as any of the jjreceding. And while it is painfully 
true that in the slaveholding States far too many Christians do still 
own slaves ; it is equally true, that they bear a small proportion to 
those who own none, even in those Slates. If we suppose the Chris- 
tians in America to be about on an equal footing as to wealth with other 
people ; and to have no more conscience about slavery, than those 
around them in the slave States ; and that twenty slaves may be taken 
as the average, to each master ; and a ninth of the people pious, as 
stated before, it follows that only about 11.000 professors of religion 
can be slaveholders ; or about one in every hundred of the whole 
number in the nation. Yet every one of the above suppositions is 
against the churches, and yet upon this basis rests the charges of a 
candid, afiectionate Christian brother against them all ! The only re- 
maining illustration of Mr. Thompson's proneness to represent a little 
truth, in such a way as to have all the effects of an immense misrep- 
resentation, regards his own posture, doings and sufferings in America. 
"Fourteen months of toil, of peril, and persecution, almost unpar- 
alleled ;" " there were paid myrmidons seeking my blood ;" '* there 
were thousands waiting to rejoice over my destruction ;" " when any 
individual tells George Thompson who has put his life into his hands, 
and gone where slavery is rife ; when I, George Thompson, am told 
I am to be spared," &ic. Similar statements, ad infinitum, fill up all 
liis speeches ; and are noticed now, not for the purpose of comment- 
ing on, or even contradicting them, but of affording my countrymen, 
who may chance to see the report of this discussion, specimens, as 
our certificates often run " of the modesty, probity, and good de- 
meanor," of the individual. 

He would pass next to a fourth general objection against Mr. 
Thompson's testimony, as regards America, which was, that much of 
it was in the strictest sense, positively untrue. For instance, Mr. 
Thompson had twice put a runaway slave forward upon the platform 
at Loudon ; or at least connived at the doing of it ; who stated of 
his own knowledge, that a Mr. Garrison, of South Carolina, had paid 
500 dollars for a slave, that he might burn him, and that he had done 
so without hindrance or challenge, afterwards. This statement Mr. 
T. has never yet contradicted in any one of his numerous speeches, 
although he hiust have known it to be untrue. 1 have myself several 
times directed his attention to the subject, and yet the only answer is, 
"expressive silence." Then I distinctly challenge his notice of the 
case; and while 1 solemnly declare, that according to my belief, who- 
ever should do such an act in any part of America, would be hung: 
I as distinctly charge IMr. TI,om|)son, with giving countenance to, and 
deriving countenance from this wilful mis-laliMiicnt. 

As an other instance of the same kind, \ on are told that a free 
man was sold from th^ jail at Washington city, as a slave, without 
even the form of a trial ; which is farther aggravated by the assertion 



127 

that this is vouched as a fact, on the testimony of 1000 signature?. 
This matter, wlien Mr. Thompson's own proof is produced, resolve.^ 
itself into lliis: that Mr. Thompson said, there had heen a thousand 
signatures to a certain paper, wiiich said, that a certain man taken up 
as a runaway slave, said lie was free! If he was a slave, the whole 
case falls ; whetlier he was a slave or not, was a fact that could have 
been judicially investigated and decided, if the person most interest- 
ed, or any other, had chosen to demand it. So that in point of fact, 
Mr. Thompson's whole statements, touching this oft repeated case, 
are all purely gratuitous. And with what horror, must everv good 
man hear that AJr, Thompson, within the last two or three'weeks, 
told a crowd of people in JNIr. Price's Chapel, Devonshire Square, 
London, in allusion to this very case, that the poor black had "de- 
monstrated HIS freedom," and afterwards been "sold into ever- 
lasting bondage! " And yet upon this fiction lie bases one of his 
most effective "illustrations of American slavery," and some of his 
fiercest denunciations of the American people. Oh ! shame, where 
is thy blush I He could if lime permitted exhibit other cases, — in 
principle perhaps worse than these ; in which neither the false asser- 
tions of Aloses Roper — nor the pretended evidence of misrepresented 
petitions existed to make a show of evidence ; and which nothine; but 
the most extraordinary ignorance, or recklessness could explain. 
Such are the assertions made by himself or his coadjutors in his pres- 
ence, that slaves are brought to the district of Columbia from all the 
slave states for sale ; that five years is the average number, that slaves 
carried to the Southern States live ; that slaves witlioui trial, or even 
examination, were often executed, by tens, twenties, and even thir- 
ties ; that the banner of the United States, which floated over a slave 
dealing congress, in the midst of the slave market of the entire nation, 
had the word "Libeitij^^ upon it (which single sentence contained 
three misstatements ;) that religious men weighed children in scales, 
and sold them by the pound like meat ; — that there were 2,000,000 
of slaves in America who never heard the name of Christ; that no 
white man would ever be respected after he had been seen to shake 
hands with a man of colour ; all which unnamcabic assertions are 
contained, along with double as many others like them, in one single 
newspaper (the London Patriot of June I, 1835;) and in a portion 
of the report of only two of Mr. Thomjison's meetings I Alas ! for 
poor human nature ! Having now gone through all that his time per- 
mitted him to say, of the proof against America, he would lay be- 
fore them some counter testimony upon several parts of this great 
subject. He had at one time greatly feared that he nn'ght be obliged 
to ask them to believe his mere word, perhaps in the faceof other proof; 
but through the providence of God, he had been put in possession of 
a very limited file of American newspapers, from the contents of 
which he thought he should be able to make out as strong a case for 
the truth, as he had proved the case against it to be weak and rotten. 
There were so many denominations of Christians in America, that be 



128 

would only tire the meeting by enumerating them. They were of 
every variety of name and opinion. As to many of them he knew 
but little, and the present audience perhaps less. The Societies of 
Friends generally did not tolerate slaveholding among their mem- 
bers; neither did the Covenanters. The Congregationalists, or Inde- 
pendents, had not, he believed, a dozen churches in all the Slave 
States, and, of course, they should be considered as exempt from the 
charge. It was, however, the less necessary to occupy ourselves in 
general remarks, inasmuch as Mr. Thompson had laid the stress of 
his accusations on the three great denominations of America. " He 
took all the guilt of this system, and he laid it where? On the 
Church of Ameiica. When he said the Church, he did not allude 
to any particular denomination. He spoke of Baptists, Presbyteri- 
ans, and Methodists, the three great props — the all-sustaining pillars 
of that blood-cemented fabric." Such were the words of Mr. T., 
and it would therefore be needless to trouble ourselves about the mi- 
nor, if we could settle the major to our satisfaction. As to two of 
these denominations, he should say but little ; his chief and natural 
business being to defend that one ol which he knew most. In regard 
to the Baptists, he was sorry to be obliged to say, that he believed 
they were the least defensible of the three denominations, now princi- 
pally implicated; indeed that some of their Associations had taken 
ground on the whole case, from which he entirely dissented, — and 
which, he was sure, had given great pain to the majority of their own 
brethren. He begged leave to refer them to the work of Drs. Cox 
and Hoby, just through the press, in which he presumed, for he had 
not seen it, they would find an authentic and ample information on this 
and every other point relating to that denomination in America. In 
relation to the Methodists, his knowledge was both more full and more 
accurate. Their discipline denounced Slavery, and prohibited their 
Members from owning slaves, and though their discipline itself was 
not carried into effect with rigid exactness, he did not believe that 
there was a Methodist Church in the United States, or upon the 
Earth, which owned slaves, as a Church. He believed that very 
few Methodist preachers — indeed, almost none, owned any slaves, 
and nothing but the most direct proof could for a moment make him 
believe, that one of them was a slave-dealer. The whole sect, or at 
least the great majority of it, might be considered as fairly represented, 
in the following Resolutions passed in the Conference, held at Balti- 
more ; and which could be a set off to those read by Mr. Thompson, 
from one of the northern Conferences. 

METHODIST'S RESOLUTIONS ON ABOLITION. 

At a late nicotin^ of the Baltimore Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church held at IJaltiiiiore, the following preamble and Resolutions were unanimously 
adopted, and the names of all the members and probationers present, in number, one 
hundred and fifty-seven, were subscribed, and ordered to be published. The secretary 
was also directed to furnish Rev. John A. Collins, with a copy for insertion in the Globe 
and Intelligencer, of Washington City. 

Whereas great excitement has perv.ided this country for some time past on the subject 
of abolition ; and whereas such excitement is believed to be destructive to the best inter- 
ests of the country and of religion; therefore 



129 

1. Resolved, That "we are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of tlarerj." 

2. That we are opposed in every part and particular to the proceedings of the abolition- 
ists, which look lo the immediate indiscriminate, and general emancipation of slaves. 

3. That we have no connexion with any press, by whomsoever conducted, In the intler* 
est of the abolition cause. 

As to his own Connection, the Presbyterian, he vvould go as Aiily 
as his materials perniilted, into the proof of tlieir past principles, 
and present posture. And in the first place he was most happy to 
be able to present them with an abstract of the decisions of the Gene- 
ral Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of 
America. He found it printed in the New York Observer, of May 
23, 183.5, embodied in the proceedings of the Presbytery of Mont- 
rose, and transcribed by it no doubt from the Assembly's digest. 

As early as A. D. 1787, the Synod of N. York and Philadelphia issued an opinion ad- 
verso to silvery, and recommended measures for its final extinction; and in the year 1796 
the General Assembly assured "all tlie churches under tlieir care, that they viewed with 
the deepest concern any vestiges of slavery which then existed in our country ;" and ill 
the year 1815 the same judicatmy decided, " that the buying and selling of slaves by way 
of traffic, (meaning, doubtless, the domestic traffic,) is inconsistent with the spirit of the 
gospel.' But in the year 1818, a more f'wll and explicit avowal of the sentiments of the 
chu'rcii was unanimously agreed on in the General Assembly. '• We consider, (say the 
Assembly,; the -'cluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another, as a gross 
violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature; as utterly inconsist- 
ent with the law of God. which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves; and as 
totally irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, which enjoin, 
that " whatever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." They "add, 
" It is manifestly the duty of all Christians who enjoy the light of the present day, when 
the inconsistency of siavery, both with the dictates of humanity and religion, has been 
demonstrated, and is generally seen and acknowledged, to use thei-- honest, earnest and 
Unwearied endeavors to correct the errors of former times, and as speedily as possible, to 
efface this blot on our holy religion, and to obtain the complete abolition of slavery 
throughout Christendom and if possible, throughout the world." 

If, said Mr. B., he had expressed sentiments different from these, 
or if he had inculcated as the principles of his brethren any thing dif- 
ferent from these just and noble sentiments, let the blame be heaped 
upon his bare head. These sentiments they had held from a period 
to which the memory of man runneth not to the contrary. Here to- 
night, 3000 miles off, God enabled him to produce a record proying 
an antiquity of half a century, in full maturity ! How grand, how far 
sighted, how illustrious is truth — compared with the wretched and 
new born, and blear eyed fanaticism that carps at her! These are 
the principles of the Presbyterian church of the United States. She 
has risen with them, she will stand, or, if it be God's will, she will fall 
with them. But she will not change them less or more. The Gen- 
eral Assembly is but now adjourned. They have had this question 
before them — perhaps have been deeply agitated by its discussion. 
But so tranquilly does my heart rest on the truth of these principles, 
and on the fixed adherence to them, by my brethren, that nothing but 
a feeling that it would be impertinent, in one like me, to vouch for a 
body like that, could deter me from any lawful gage, that all its decis- 
ions will stand with its ancient and unaltered principles. In accord- 
ance with these principles the great body of the members of that 
church had been all along acting. — There were about 24 synods under 
the care of the General Assembly, of which about one third were in 
17 



130 

the slave country. The number was constantly increasing, on which 
account, and in the absence of all recoids, he could not be more ex- 
act. The synods in the free states stood, he believed, without excep- 
tion, just where the Assembly stood, on tliis subject. In the slave 
states, much had been done — much was still doiui:; — and in proof of 
this as regarded this particular denoi.nination — in addition to what he 
had all along declared, with reference to the great emancipation party, 
in all of those states, he asked attention to the several documents Ijo 
was about to lay before them. Tlie (irst was a series of resolutions 
appended to a lucid and extended report, drawn up bv a lar^e com- 
mittee of IMinisters and Elders of the synod of Kentucky — in obedi- 
ence to its orders after the subject had been several years before that 
body. Tiiat Synod embraces the whole state of Kentuclcy, which is 
one of the largest slave states in the Union. The resolutions are 
quoted from the New York Observer, of A[)ril 23, 1836. 

1. We would recommend that all slaves now under 20 years of age, and all those 
yet to be born in oar possession be emancipated, as they severally reach their 25th year. 

2 We recommend that deeds of emmcipation be now drawn up. and recorded in 
our respective County Courts, specifying the slaves we are about to emancipate, and the 
age at which each is to become free." 

This measure is hi'^lily r]C';cssary. as it ■will furnish to our own minds, to the world, 
and to our slaves, sitisfactory proof of our sincerity lu ti;is work ; and it will also secure 
the libertv of the slaves atrainst contin^'cncies. 

3. We recommend that our slaves be instructed in the common elementary branches 
of education. 

4. We recommend that strenuous and persevering- eflcrts be made, to induce them to 
attend rPi,'Lilarly upon the ordinary services of reliszion, both domestic and public. 

.5. We recommend that great pains be taken to teach them the Holy Scriptures ; and 
that to effect this, the instrumentality of .Sabbath Schools, wherever they can be enjoyed, 
be united with that of domestic instruction. 

Tiie plan revealed in these resolution, was the one of all others, 
which most commended itself to liis (.Mr. B.'s) judgment. And he 
most particulary asked their attention to it, on an account somewliat 
personal. He had several times been })ub!icly referred to in this 
country, as having shown the sincerity of his princi[)les in the manu- 
mission of his own slaves. He was most anxious that no error should 
exist on this subject, which lie had not at any time, had any part in 
bringing before the public, and which, as often only as he was forced 
to do so, had he explained. The introductory remarks of the Chair- 
man, had laid him under the necessity of such an explanation, which 
had not so naturally occurred, as in this connexion. He took leave, 
therefore, to say, that this Kentucky plan, was in substance the one 
he had been acting on for some years before its existence ; and which 
he shotdd probablv be among the earliest, if his life was spared, fully 
to complete. He considered it substantially the same as their system 
for West India Emancipation ; only more rapid as to adults, more 
tardy, cautious, and beneficent as to minors ; and more generous, as 
being wholly without compensation. In plans that affect whole na- 
tions, and successive giMierations, questions of time are of all others, 
least important ; of all others the mo-^t proper to make bend to the 
necessities of the case. He went only to say further, that his brother, 
the Rev. Dr. Breckinridg'% of whom Mr. Thompson speaks with such 



131 

afTeclation of scorn, had enlered this good field before him, and taken 
one course with his maiiuiiiitled slaves. That a younger brother, whose 
name, along witli nine other beloved and revered names, is attached 
to this Kentucky report, had also entered it before him; and taken a 
second course, a diflerent course still, in liberating his. When he came, 
last of all, he had taken still a third, different from each ; while other 
friends had pursued others still. Wliat wisdom their cfinhined, and 
yet varied experience could have afforded, was of course useless ; 
now that all the deepest questions of abstract truth, and the nnst dif- 
ficult of personal piactice, were solved by instinct, and carried by 
storm. 

The next extract related to the great slave holding Slate of North 
Carolina, and revealed a plan for the religious instruction and care of 
the souls of the slaves, intended to cover the States of Virginia, 
Georgia, and South Carolina, all slave States of the first class, as well 
as the one in which it originated. Its origin is due to the Presbyte- 
rian Synod, covering the whole of that State. The extract is from 
the New York Observer of June 20, 1835. 

REI.IGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF SLAVES. 

" The Snuthern EvuiiL'plicnl Sncioty/' is tlie title of a proposed associntion amonp 
the Presbyterians nt the South, for tlie" propauMtion of tlie jrospol aiiioncr the people of 
color. The constitntioii originated in tlie Synod of jNortli Carc'lina, and is to go into ef- 
fect as so(jn as adopted liy tlie Synod of \'ir^)inia. or that of South Carolina and Georgia. 
'I'he votin;: members of the Sorietv are to he eleci"d bv the Synods. Honorary mem- 
bers are rreated by the p'lyiuont of thirty dollars. All members of Synods united with 
the .Sofietv, are rorre<p(inilii:g inenil)crs ; other efu rfS])onding members maybe chosen 
by the voting nienibcrs. Article Uh of the Coiistituiion. provides that "there shall not 
exist between this Sorirty and ;inv other Soriety, any connexion whatever, except with a 
similar Society in the si nc liuliliii'i Slates.'" Several resolutions follow the Constitu- 
tion; one of these pro\ ir](>s til It a iiresbvtery in a slave holding district of the country, 
Jiot united with a Svnod in (nriiicxi'in w itli ti,r Sm ictv, may become a member by its own 
act. The fifth and sixth res.iliificiis ;iic :,-. !n|l,,us ; 

Resolved, o, 'I'liat it be very res|,f. f/'iliv and . irnestly recommended to all the heads of 
families in connexion with our congre;_'atioii>,, to take up and vigorously prosecute the 
business of seeking the salvation of the slaves in the way of maintaining and promoting 
family religion. 

Retolved, G, That it be enjoined upon all tlie presbyteries composing this Synod, to 
lake order at their earliest meetintr. to obtain In !1 :iiul ( ,nri>f t r-tali-tifal iiifnrmation as to 
the number of people of color, in the bonruV if mi r - 1 \ < r.<\ f . nji i j.ir nni-. llf number in 
HCtual attendance at our several places of a\ n !ii;j. aial t:n_ iinn'irr .;1' ( il.a aal incmbers 
in our several churches, and make a full rrpoii In thr .>\nod at its next iii.'tting, and for 
this purpose, that the Clerk of tliis Synod furnisih a copy of this resolution to the stated 
(Jlerk of each Presbytery. 

The next document carried them one State farther South, and re- 
lated to South Carolina, in which that horrible Governor IM'Duffie, 
who seems to haimt Wlv. Thompson's imagination with his threats of 
*' death without benefit of clergy," lives, and perliaf)S stil! rules. It 
is taken from the same paper as the next preceding extract ; 

RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION OF SLAVES. 

We cheerfully insert tbe follovvini letter from an intelligent JScw Enghinder at the South. 
To the Editor of the iVeic York Observer. 

I am apprehensive that many of your readers, who feel a lively intpre.«t in the 
welfare of the slaves, are not correctly and fully informed as to their amount of relicious 
instruction. From the speeches of Mr. Thompson and others, they mii^ht be led to be- 
.licve that slaves in our Southern States never read a Bible, hear a irospel sermon, or par- 
take of a gospel ordinance. (t is to be hoped, liowever, th.at liUle credit will be given to 
such misreprescntatious, notwithstanding the zeal and industry with which they are dis- 
seminated. 



13'2 

What has been done on a single plantation. 

I will now inform ywir readers what has been done, and is now doin?, Tor l'i2 pinral 
and religious improvement of the slaves on a single plantation, with wliich 1 am >'eil ac-^ 
qu'iinted, and these few fucts may serve as a comnient;irv.oii the unsupported asscrtiuns oi 
.Mr. Thompson and others. And here I could wisli that' all who are bo ready to denounce 
every mm that is so unfortunate as to be born to a heritage of slaves, could go to that 
pl.iniation, and see with their own eyes, and hear with tlieir own ears, the things which I 
despiir of adequately describing. 'IVuly, I think they would be more inclined, and bet- 
ter qualified to use those weapons of light and love which have been so ably and justly 
commended to their hards. 

On this plant '.tion there are from 130 to 200 slaves, the finest looking body that I have 
seen on anv estate. Their master and mistress have felt for years how solemn are the 
responsibilities connected with such a cliarge ; and thev have not shrunk from meeliiig 
them. The means used lor their spiritual goo'd, are abundnnt. They enjoy the constant 
preaching of the gospel. A young iiiinister of the Presbyterian church, wiio has received 
a regular coUegi.uc and theological education, is laboring among them, and derives his en- 
tire support from the master, with the exception of a trifling sura which he receives for 
preaching one Sabbath in each month for a neighboring church. On the Sabbath, and 
during the week, you may see them filling tlie place of worship, from the man of grey 
hairs to the small child, all neatly and comfortably clothed, listening with respectful, 
and in many cases, eager attention to the truth as it"is in Jesus, delivered in terms adapt- 
ed to their capacities, and in a nnnner suited to their peculiar hahits, feelings and cir- 
cumstances ; engaging with solemnity and propriety in the solemn exercise of prayer, 
and mingling their melodious voices in the hynin of praise. Sitting among them are the 
white members of the family encouraging them by their attendance, manilesting their in- 
terest in the exercises, and their anxiety for the eternal well-being of their people. Of 
the whole number, forty-five or fifty have made a profession of religion, and others arc 
evidently deeply concerned. 

Let me now conduct you to a Bible class of ten or twelve adults who can read, met 
with their Bibles to study and have explained to them the word of God. They give une- 
quivocal demonstrations of much interest in their employment, and of an earnest desire 
to understand and remember what they read. From hence we will go to another room, 
where are assembled eighteen to twenty lads, attending upon catechetical instruction, 
conducted by their young master. Here you will notice many intelligent countenances, 
and will be struck with the promptitude and correctness of their answers. 

But the most interesting spectacle is yet before you. It is to lie witnessed in the 
Infant School Room, nicely fitted up and supplied with the customary cards and other ap- 
purtenances. Here, every day in the week, you ma^' find twenty-five or thirty children, 
»eatly clad and wearing bright and happy faces. And as you notice their correct deport- 
ment, hear their unhesitating replies to the questions proposed, and above all when they 
unite their sweet voices in their touching songs, if your heart is not affected and your eyes 
do not fill, you are the hardest-hearted anddriest-eyed visiter that has ever been there. But 
who is their teacher ? Their mistress, a lady whose amiable Christian character and most 
gifted and accomplished mind and manners are surpassed by none. From day to day, 
month to month, and year to year, she has cheerfully left her splendid halls and circle oil' 
friends, to visit her school room, where, standing up before those young immortals, .«he 
trains them in the way in which they should go, and leads them to Him who said, " suH'er 
little children to come unto me." 

From the Infant School room, we will walk through a beautiful lawn half a mile, to a 
pleasant grove commanding a view of miles in extent? Here is a brick chapel, rising for 
the accommodation of this interesting family ; sufficiently large to receive two or three 
hundred hearers. Wlien completed, in beauty and convenience it will be surpassed by 
lew churches in the Southern country. 

On the plantation you might see also many other things of crreat interest. Here a ne- 
gro is the overseer. Marriages are regularly contracted. Ko negro is sold, except as a 
punishment for bad behaviour, and a dreaded one it is. ISone is bought, save for the pur- 
pose of uniting families. Here you will hear no clanking of chains, no cracking of whips ; 
(I have never seen a blow struck on the estate,) and here last, but not least, you will find 
a flourishing Temperance Society, embracing almost every individual on the premises. 
And yet the "Christianity of the South is a chain-forging, a whip-plaiting, marriage dis- 
couraging, Bible-withholding Christianity !" 

I have confined myself to a single plantation. But I might add many most interesting 
facts in regard to others, and the state of feeling in general, but I forbear. 

Yours, &c A NEW ENGLAND MAN. 

H.^ woiilfl now connect the peculiar and local facts of the preced- 
ing siatement, with liie whole comniiniity of slave holders, in the 
iarne Slate ; and show by competent and disinterested testimony, the 



133 

real and common stale of things. The following extracts were fronn 
a letter printed in the New York Observer, of July 25, 1835 : 

I have resided eight years in South Carolina, and hare an nxtensive acquaintance with 
the planters of the middle and low country. I have seen much of slavery, and feel com- 
petent to speak in regard to many facts connected witli it. 

What your correspondent has stated of the condition of one plantation, is in its essen- 
tial points a common case throughout tiie whole circle of my acquaintance. 

The negroes generally, in this State, are well fed, well clothed, and liave the means of 
religious instruction. Accordiug to rny hest judgment, the work which a slave here is 
required to do, amounts to about one third the ordinary labor commonly performed by a 
New England farmer. A similar comparison would hold true in regard to the labor of 
domestics. In the family where I reside, consisting of nine white persons, seven slaves 
are employed to do the work. This is a common case. 

In the village where F live, there are about four hundred slaves, and they generally at- 
tend church. More than one hundred of them are members of the church. Perhaps two 
hundred are assembled every Sabbath in the Sunday Schools. In my own Sunday School 
are about sixty, and most of them professors of religion. They are perfectly accessible 
and teachable. In the town of my former residence, in New England, there were three 
hundred free blacks. No more than eight or ten of these were professors of religion, and 
not more than twice that number could generally be induced to attend church. They 
could not be induced to send their children to the district schools, which were always 
open to them, nor could they generally be hired to work. They are thievish, wretched 
and troublesoms. I have no hesitation in saying, and I say it deliberately, it would be a 
great blessing to them to exchange conditions with the slaves of the village in which I 
now live. Their intellectual and moral characters, and real means of improvement, 
would be promoted by the exchange. 

There are doubtless some masters who treat their slaves cruelly in this State, but they 
are exceptions to tlie general fact. Public opinion is in a wholesome state and the man 
who does not treat his slaves kindly, is disgraced. 

Great and increasing efforts are made to instruct the slaves in religion, and elevate their 
characters. Missionaries arc employed solely for their benefit. It is very common for 
ministers to preach in the forenoon to the whites, and in the afternoon of every Sabbath 
to the blacks. Tlie slaves of my acquaintance arc generally contented and happy. The 
master is reprobated who will divide families. Many tliousands of slaves of this State 
give evidence of piety. In many churches they form the mnjority. Thousands of them 
give daily thanks to (iod that they or their fathers were brought to this land of slavery. 

And now, perhaps. I ought to add, that I am nf)t a .slave-holder, and do not intend to 
continue in a slave country ; but wlierever I may be, 1 intend to speak the TRUTH. 

Tlie next docnment related particularly to Tlrs;i)Ha, — the largest 
and most powerful of tlie Slave Stales; l)ut had also a general refer- 
ence to tlie whole south, and the whole question at issue. The sen- 
timents it contained were entitled to extraordinary consideration, on 
account of the source of them. Mr. Van Renselear, was the son of 
one of the most wealthy and distinguished citizens of the great free state 
of New York. He had gone to Virginia, to preach to the slaves. He 
had every where succeeded ; was every where beloved by the slaves, 
and honored by their masters. He had access to perhaps forty plan- 
tations, — on which he from time to time preached, — and which 
might have been doubled, had his strength been equal to the work. 
In the midst of his usefulness — the storm of abolition arose. IMr. 
Thompson, like some baleful star landed on our shores; organized a 
reckless agitation, made many at the north frantic with folly — and as 
many at the. south furious with passion. INlr. Van Renselear, like 
many otiiers, saw a storm ragini; which they had no power to control; 
and like them withdrew from his benevolent labors. Tiie following 
brief statements made by him at a great meeting of the colonization 
society of New York, exhibit his own view of the conduct and duty 
of tlie parties. 



134 

The Rev. ('ortkrdt Van Renselear, formerly of Albany, but who has lately resided in 
Virginia, addressed the meeting, and after alluding to the difference of opinion which pre- 
vailed among the Iriends of Colonization, touching the present condition and treatment of 
the colored population in this country, proceeded to offer reasons why the people of the 
North should approach their brethren in the South, who held the control of the colored 
population, with delTerence, and in a spirit of kindness and conciliation. 

These reasons were briefly as follows: ]. Because the people of the South had not 
consented to the original introduction of slaves into the coujitry, but had solemnly, earn- 
estly, and repeatedly remonstrated against it. 2. Because having been born in the pres- 
ence of slavery, and accustomed to it from their infancy, they could not be expected to 
view it in the same light as we view it at the North. 3. Slavery being there established by 
law, it was not in the power of individuals to act in regard to it as their personal feelings 
might dictate. The evil had not been eradicated from the state of iSew York all at once : 
]t had been a gradual process, commencing with the law 1799 and not consumated until 
1827. Ought we to denounce our Southern neighbors if they refuse to do the work at a 
blow? 4. The constitution of the United States tolerated sl-.very, in its articles appor- 
tioning representation with reference to the slave population, and requiring the surrender 
of runaway slaves. 5. Slavery had been much mitigated of late years, and the condition 
of the slave population much ameliorated. Its former rigor was almost unknown, at least 
in Virginia, and it was lessening continually. It was not consistent with truth to repre- 
sent the slaves as groaning day and nicrht under the lash of tyranical task-masters. And 
as to being kept iu perfect ignorance, Mr. V. had seldom seen a plantation where some of 
the slaves could not read, and where they were not encouraged to learn. In South Caro- 
lina, where it was said tlie gospel was systematically denied to the slaves, there were 
twenty thousand of them church members in the Methodist denomination alone. He 
knew a small church where out of 70 communicants, .50 were in slavery. 6. There were 
very great difficulties connected with the work of Abolition. The relations of slavery 
had ramified themselves through all the relations of society. The slaves were compara- 
tively very ignorant; their character degraded ; and thev \^ ere unqualified for immediate 
freedom. A blunder in such a concern as universal abolition, would be no light matter. 
Mr. V. here referred to the result of experience and personal observation on the mind of 
the well-known Mr. Parker, late a minister of this city, but now of New-Orleans. He had 
left this city for the South with the feelina of an immediate abolitionist ; but he had re- 
turned with his views wholly changed. After seeing slavery and slave-holders, and that at 
the far South, he now declared the idea of immediate and universal abolition to be a gross 
absurdity. To liberate the two and a half millions of slaves in the midst of us, would be 
just as wise and as humane, as it would be for the father of u numerous family of young 
children to take them to the front door, and there bidding them good bye. tell them they 
were free, and send them out into the world to provide for and govern themselves. 7. For- 
eign interference was, of necessity, a delicate tiling, and ouiiht ever to be attempted with 
the utmost caution. 8. There was a large amount of unfeigned Christian anxiety at the 
South to obey God and do good to man. There were many tears and prayers continually 
poured out over the condition of their colored people, and "the most earnest desire to miti- 
gale their sorrows. Were such persoas to he approached with vituperation and anathe- 
mas ? 9. There was no reason why all our sympathies should be confined to the colored 
race and utterly withheld from our white southern brethren. Tlie apostle Paul exhibited 
no such spirit. 10. A regard to the interest of the slaves themselves dictated a cautious 
and prudent and forbearing course. It called for conciliation : for the fate of the slaves 
depended on the will of their masters, nor could the north prevent it. The bte lawi 
acrainst teaching the slaves to read had not been passed until the Southern people found 
inflamatory publications circulatincr among the colored people. 11. The spirit of the sros- 
pel forbade all violence, abuse and threatening. The apostles had wished to call fire from 
heaven on those they considered as (Christ's enemies ; but the Saviour, instead of approv- 
ing this fiery zeal, had rebuked it. 12. These .Southern people, who were represented as 
so giosslv violatiiiiT all Christian duty, had been the subjects of gracious blessings from 
God in the outpourings of his Spirit. I.'?. When (iod convinced men of error, he did it in 
the spirit of mercy 3 we ought to endeavor to do the same thing in the same spirit. 

The only remnininir testimony relates to the states of Louisiana 
and Mississippi, in the south west. The letter from wljieh it is taken 
is written hy a son of that Mr. Finley, who perhaps more than any 
one else, set on foot the original srheme of African colonization ; and 
whose name, as a man of pm-e and enlariied brntnolence and wisdom, 
the enemies of his plans (|uote with respect. The son well deserves 
to have had such a father. 

IKmr-Oiiranx. March 12, I"".'). 
In my former letter 1 gave you some account of th(! leading characters amongst the free 
people of color who recently sailed from this port in the Brig " Hover." for Liberia. I 
then promised you in my next to give you some account of tho emancipated slaves who 



135 

sailed in the same expedition. This promise I will now endeavor to fulfil, and I will begin 
with tlie case of an individual emancipation, and then state the case of an emancipated 
family, and conclude with an account of the emancipation of several families by the same 
individual. 

The first case alluded to is that of a young woman emancipated by the last will and tes- 
tament of the late Judge James Workman, of this city, the same who left a legacy of ten 
thousand dollars to the American Colonization Society. Judge Workman's will contains 
the following clause in relation to her, viz ; — •' I request my statu iiber, Kitty, a quarteroon 
girl, to be set free as soon as convenient. And i request my executors may se;;d her, as 
she shall prefer, and tliey think best, either to the Colinizalion Society at JNorfolk, to be 
sent to Liberia or to Hayti; and if she prefer remaining in Louisiana, that they may en- 
deavor to have an act passed for her emancipation ; if the same cannot be attained other- 
wise ; and it is my will that the sum of three hundred dollars be paid to her after she shall 
be capable of receiving the same. I request my executors to hold in their hands money 
for this purpose. I particularly request my friend John G. Greene to take charge of this 
girl, and do the best for her that he can." Mr. Greene provided her with a handsome out- 
fit, carefully attended to her embarkation, and the shipment of her freight, and placed 
her under the caije of the Rev. Gloster Simpson. 

The next case, alluded to above, is that of a family of eleven slaves emancipated for 
faithful and meritorious services, by the will of of the late Mrs. Bullock, of Claiborne 
county. Miss. Mrs. Moore, the sister and executris of Mrs. Bullock's estate, gave them 
700 dollars to furnish an outfit and give them a start in the colony. 

The third and last case alluded to above, consisted of several families, amounting in the 
whole to 26 individnal slaves belonging to the estate of the late James Green, of Adams 
county, Mississipi. The following interesting circumstances concerning their liberation, 
were communicated to me by James Railey, 1lsi|., the brother-in-law and acting executor 
of Mr. Green's Estate. .Mr. Cireen died on the 15th of May, lyO'i, the proprietor of about 
130 slaves, and left Mr. Railey, his brother-in-law, and his "sisters, Mrs. Railey and Mrs. 
Wood, executors of his last will and testament. Mr, Green's will provides for the uncon- 
ditional emancipation of but one of his slaves — a faithful and intelligent man named Gran- 
ger, whom Mr. Green had raised and tauglit to read, write, and keep accounts. He acted 
as foreman for his master for about five yenrs previous to his death. Mr. Green, by his 
will, left him 3000 dollars, on condition that he went to Liberia, otherwise, 2000 dol- 
lars. Provision was also made in the will for securing to him his wifs. Granger has been 
employed since the death of Mr. Clrecn, until recently, as overseer for Mr. Railey, at a 
salary of GOO dollars per annum. Granger declines going to Liberia at present on account 
of the unwillingness of his mothertogo there. She is very aged and infirm, and he is very 
much attached to her. She was a favorite slave of Mr. Green's mother, who emancipated 
her and left her a legacy of 1000 dollars. Granger came to this city with Mr. Railey to 
see his friends and former fellow-servants embark : and when he bade them farewell, he 
said, with a very emphatic tone and manner, " I will follow you in about 18 months." 

The executors of Mr. Green's estate were by no means slack in meeting the testator's 
wishes concerning these f)eople. lilr. Railey accompanied them to New-Orleans, and 
both he and Mrs. Wood, who also was in New-Orleans while they were preparing to em- 
bark, took a lively and active interest in providing them with every thing necessary for 
their comfort on the voyage, and their welfare after their arrival in the Colony, and placed 
in my hand 7000 dollars for their benefit, one thousand dollars of which were appropriated 
towards the charter of a vessel to convey them to ihe Colony with the privilege of MO 
barrels freight — sixteen hundred dollars towards the purchase of an outfit, consisting of 
mechanics' tools, implements of agriculture, household furniture, medicines, clothing, 
&c., and the remaining four thousand four hundred dollars, partly invested in trade, goods, 
and partly in specia, were shipped and consigned to the Governor of Liberia, for their 
benefit, with an accompanying memorandum made out by Mr. Railey, showing how much 
was each one's portion. 

I will close this communication by relating one additional circumstance communicated 
to me by Mr. Railey, to show the interest felt by Mr. Green in the success of the 
scheme of African Colonization. The day previous to his death, he equesterd Mr. Railey 
to write a memorandum of several things which he wished done after his death, which me- 
morandum contains the following clause, viz ; — " After executing all my wishes as express- 
ed by Will, by this memorandum, and by verbal communications, I sincerely hope there will 
be a handsome sum left for benefitting the emancipated negroes emigrating from this State 
to Liberia; and to that end I have more concern than you are aware of" 

I am authorized by the Executors to state that there" will be a residuum to Mr. Green's 
estate of twenty or thirty-five thousand dollars, which they intend to appropriate in con- 
formity with the views of Mr. Green expressed above. Yours, &c., 

ROBERT S. FINLEY. 

And now I rest the case, and commit the result to au elightened 
public. Here are my proofs and ari^unfents showing as I believe 
conclusively, that the slanderous accusations against my country and my 



13G 

brethren which I have come to tliis city to repel, — are not only false^ 
but incredible. Here are my testimonials, few and casually gathered 
Up, but yet, as it seems to tne, irresistibly convincing, that the people 
and churches of America — in the very thing ciiar^ed,— have been and 
are acting, a wise, self-denying and humane part. That they should 
move onward in it as rapidly as the happiness of all the parties will al- 
low, must be the wish of all good men. That obstacles should be inter- 
posed through the error, the imprudence, or the violence of well mean- 
ing but ill-judging persons, is truly deplorable. But that we should be 
traduced before the whole world, when we are innoceent ; that we 
should first be forced into most difficult circumstances, and then forced 
to tnanage those circumstances in such a way as to cause our certain ruin, 
by th? very same people; or in default of submitting to both requir- 
nients,be forced first into war, and afterwards into a state of bitter mutual 
contention, only less dreadful than war itself, isoutraseousand intolera- 
ble. While we justly complain of these things, we discharge our- 
selves of the guilt attributed to us, and acquit ourselves to God and 
our consciences, of all the fatal consequences likely to follow such 
conduct. 

Mr. THOMPSON rose, and spoke in nearly the following words i 
Mr. Chairman., 

If I were to say that I rose on the present occasion without a 
feeling of anxiety regarding the issue of the discussion now drawing 
to a close, I should say what is not tlie truth. I cannot remember 
that I ever stood before an auditory in a more interesting or responsi- 
ble position. The question before us is one of momentous magni- 
tude ; and that brancli of it which to-night claims our special ntten- 
tion, is of all others, the most solemn and delicate. 1 am, therefore, 
anxious, deeply anxious, respecting the impression which shall rest 
upon the minds of tliis assembly, when 1 have occupied the attention 
of yourself and of it, for a portion of time equal to that which has 
been expended by my opponent. If, however, I were to say that I 
rose willi any feeling of alarm in the contemplation of the result of 
that ordeal through which I am about to pass, \ should speak that 
which would be equally at variance with the tru'h. So (lir from in- 
dulging any fear, or wishing to propitiate this audience, I pray that 
for the sake of truth, humanity, and the country represented by my 
opponent ; for the sake of our character in the sight of God at the 
audit of the great day ; there may be a severe, jealous and impartial 
judgment formed, according to the evidence which shall be submitted. 
Or, if it be impossible to hold the balance strictly even, I ask that the 
bias for the present, may he in favor of my opponent. It is true, I 
am not an American. It is true, 1 was in the l^iited States but four- 
teen months. It is true, I never crossed the Potomac ; never saw a 
slave, unless that slave had been brought to the IN'orth by some tem- 
porary resident. Receive, thcM-efore, with caution and suspicion my 
statements. Let there be every discount upon my assertions which 



137 

my youth and rashness, my want of observation and experience de- 
mand. At the same time 1 ask that every proper degree of respect 
shall be paid lo the witnesses I shall bring before you ; and that how- 
ever my testimony may be doubted, theirs at least may have the 
weii!;ht which tlveir character, and station, and opportunities shall ap- 
pear to entitle them to. 

I am accused of monstrous injustice towards America, when I say 
that in that country slavery wears its most horrid forms. In saying 
this, I must not be understood as speaking according to the actual 
physical condition of the slave, or even of his legal and political con- 
dition, apart from the religion and institutions of the land in which he 
lives. I judge not by the number of links in his chain ; the number 
of lashes inflicted on his back ; the nature of his toil, or the quality 
or quantity of his food. It is, when irrespective of the treatment of 
the body, 1 find two millions of human beings regarded as merchan- 
dise ; ranked with the beasts of tlie field, and reduced by the neglect 
of their immortal minds to the condition of heathens ; it is when I 
find this awful system in full operation, surrounded by the barriers 
and safeguards of the Law and the Constitution, in the United States 
of North America; the land of Re|)ublicanism, and Christianity, and 
Revivals, that I say, Slavery in America wears a form more horrid 
than in any other part of the world. Yes, Sir ; when I am told that 
in that land, liberty is enjoyed to a geater extent than in any other 
country ; that the principles on which this liberty and independence 
rest are these : " God created all men free and equal." " Resistance 
to Tyrants is obedience to God ;" and see also two millions of cap- 
tives ; their dungeon barred and watched by proud Republicans, and 
boasting Christians ; I turn with horror and indignation away, ex- 
claiming as I quit the sickening scene. Slavery wears its most loath- 
some form in the United States of America 1 

Before I come to that [lortion of my Address which I shall pre- 
sent as a reply to Mr. Breckinridge, I beg to say one word in vindi- 
cation of the character and temper of American Abolitionists; and I 
am glad on this occasion to be able to cite the testimony of a gentle- 
man, whom IVlr. Breckinridge has not declined to call his friend ; I 
mean James G. Birney, Esq., formerly residing in the same State 
with Mr. B., and now in Cincinnati. Mr. Birney made a visit to the 
North last year, for the purpose of ascertaining for himself, by actual 
observation and intercourse, the real character of the Abolitionists, 
and the manner in which they prosecuted their work. Having done 
this, he thus writes : 

Last sprinjT I attended the Ohio Anti-Slavery Contention ; was present at the sovrv:iI 
meetings of the American Anti-Slavery Society in New York, aiui at tlie Anti-Slnvery 
Convention held in Boston. On these several occasions, 1 became acquainted, and delilie- 
rated with, it may be, not less than one thousand persons, who niny be fairly set down as 
among the most intelligent of the abolitionists. Subjects on which fhc mostdiyorro opin- 
ions were entertained, and which to ambitious and untrained minds would be acitntiiig ?nd 
dissensious in the extreme, were discussed with the most calm and unrUiBod coiiip^>sure. 
And while some of the leidinj; journals were teeming with the foiilost and the f^ilsist 
charges of moral and political turpitude ; while there were produced in their afs.emhlie^ 
placards, calling on the mob for appropriate deeds, and designating the limo aud il.nc^ of 

18 



138 

holding their meetings, that its violence might knoiv at vvliat point it might most effcctu- 
ally spend itself; yet, never elsewhere have I seen so much of sedate deliberation of 
pober conclusion, of dignititd moderation, sanctified by earnest prayer to dd, not only 
for the oppressed, but for ttie oppressoi of his fcll-ow; not only for su-ch as they loved, but 
for their slanderers, and persesutors, and enemies. 

The above is a fair account, so far as my knowledge ennbles me to speak, of the char- 
acter of those wliom you are pleised to describe 'a band of fanatical abolitionists." 
Lijht and rash minds, uaiccustomed to penetrate to the real causes of great revolutii'na 
in public sentiment, will, of course, think and speik coTitt-mptuously of them, while the 
philosophic observer clearly sees, that such antagotiists of error, armed with so powerful 
a weip»n as the Truth, must, at all times, be invincible ; and that in the end they will be 
triumphant. 

A want, too., before I come to the slate of the churches, wiili re- 
gard to Mr. Breckinridge's concluding; topic last evening ; to which I 
h;id not, of course, aiyy opportunity to reply ; and, as ihe time alloltcd 
lor this discussion is iww determined ^ I shall be permitted to dwell a 
few moments on the suhjert. Mr. Breckinridge did, I am ready to 
acknowledge, with tolerable fairness, state the views of the aboliiion- 
ists with regard to prejudice against color ; that it was sinful, that jt 
ought to be abandoned, and that the colored man should be rai.sed to 
the enjoyment of equal civil and religious privileges vviih the whiles. 
But after he had laid down, generally speaking ccrrecily, the views 
of the aboliiionists, he proceeded to put the most unfair interpreia- 
tion upon those views, and strangely contended that they were direct- 
ly aiming to accoinplisli the amalgamation of the races in the fullest 
sense of that word. Once again, 1 deny this. Once again I appeal 
to all that the abolitionists have ever written or spoken : to their pub- 
lished, ofiicial, solemn, authori'.ative disclaimers ; -ant] 1 say on my 
behalf and on theirs, that with the intermixture of " the races," as 
tiiey are called, (a phrase I do not like.) the abolitionists have noth- 
ing to do. What they have ever contended for is this, that the col- 
ored man should now be delivered from the condition of a beast ; 
that he should cease to he regarded as the property of his fellow 
man ; and tliat according to the laws of the state regulaling the qual- 
ifications of citizens, he should be admitted to a participaiion of the 
privileges that are enjoyed by other classes of the community. We 
have never asked for more. We have left the doctrine of amalga- 
mation to be settled by our opponents. The slave holdeis are the 
amalgamationisis whose licentiousness has gone far to put an end to 
the existence of a black race in the South, and who are siill carrying 
on, to use tiieir own expression, "a bleaching system," whitening 
the population of the South, so that you may now discover all shades 
of colored persons ; from those who are so fair that they are scarcely 
distinguishable from the wdiites, to the pure black of the unmixed ne- 
gro. But my opponent defeated himself. While attempting to ex- 
pose the folly and wickedness of amalgamation, he at the same time 
contended that the tiling was physically impossible ; that even a par- 
tial amalgamation could only be brought about bv polygamy or pros- 
titution, but tnat general amalgamation was hopeless, because physi- 
cally impossible. If the thing bs utterly beyond the reach of the 
ribolitionists, why dread it as an evil ? Why not let the abolitionists 
pursue their foolish and impracticable schemes ? Why so much wrath 



139 

as;ainst them for aiming at that which nature has rendered unattaina- 
ble. 1 leave Rlr. Breckinridge to find his way out of this difficulty 
in the best manner he is able. 

Again, we are tnlJ, tliat in attempting to bring about amalgamation, 
and in preventing Colonization, we are interfering wiih tlie purposes 
of God ; fighting against His ordinances, and exposing Africa to the 
liorrors of extermination, should the descendants of Shem or Japhet 
colonize her shores, and not the black mnn who has sprung horn her 
tribes. I confess 1 ain somewhat surprised, when told by a Presby- 
terian clergyman of Calvinistic sentiments, that I am to regulate my 
conduct towards my fellow-men by the purposes of God, rather than 
by the law of God. This is surely a new doctrine ! What.. I ask, 
have I to do willi the decree? of the Almighty? Has he not given 
me a law by which to walk ? Has he not told me to love my neigh- 
bor as (nyself? to " honor all men?" Am I not told that God hath 
made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of 
the earth ? Where is the prohibition to marry with Shem or Ham. 
1 know of no directions in the Old Testament respecting marriages, 
save such as were founded on religious differences, and 1 have yet to 
learn that there are any in the New Testament. That blessed Book 
declares, that in Christ Jesus there is neither Jew nor Greek, circum- 
cision nor uncircuu^.cision. Barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but all 
are one. Tiie only injunction 1 am aware of is this, '-be not une- 
qually yoked tOL^ether with unbelievers." 

Mr. Breckinridge made a considerable parade of his knowledge of 
Universal History, and pretended to build his theory upon the most 
correct historical dali. While upon this subject of amalgamation and 
extermination, I will take the liberty of submitting one or two in- 
quiries to Mr. Breckinridge. 

Is there any law in America forbidding ministers to celebrate mar- 
riages between Japhelhite American Christians and Jewesses, (by 
birth, even if Christians by faith,) and Jews, (even if ('hrisiians ) to 
marry Japhelhite, American females? If there be not, then, why 
may Shem and Japhet intermarry, but Ham with neither? Again: 
If there be no such law, then the doctrine about Noah's three sons, is 
not a principle on which tlie American people act, but Mr. B.'s indi- 
vidual dogma, got up to defend a line of conduct really proceeding 
without relerence to any such principle. If it bg said that Jewish 
and Japhethite Americans are very nearly, if not altogether, of the 
same color ; and that there are no political evils to be dreaded from 
the intermixture of Jews with Japheihites ; I reply, that, admitting 
the truth of both these representations, is not the sin of mixing Noah's 
sons, and coutUer-working the designs of God, the same in the case 
of Siiem and Japhet as it would be in the case of Japhet or Shem 
with the tribes of Ham ? Again, 

Did the Romans, (Ja[)hethites,) exterminate the Jews, (Shemites?) 

Did tlie Arab Shemite conquerors of Egypt exterminate the sn- 
cient inhabitants (Hamites,) who still exist, and are known by the 
name of Copts or Coph.ti ? 



140 

Did not the Tartars, now Turks, a (Japhethlte tribe,) when they 
conquered the Caliphs, embrace the rehgion of the conquered, who 
were Mohamedans and Shemites ? 

Did not the Sheinitc Moliainedans conquer the Persians, (Japheth- 
ites,) a part of whom, who would not embrace the Mohainedan re- 
ligion, and could not be tolerated by the Mohamedans in theirs, (viz. 
fire worship,) flee to India, where they still exist, known by the name 
of Guebers, while the rest of the people, embracing Mohamedanism, 
amalgamated with their conquerors ; and is not the modern Persian 
language a proof of this, in which all the terms of religion and sci- 
ence are Arabic, (Shemite,) the rest of the language being a colluvies 
of the Deri, Zend, and Pehlavi dialects, which the most eminent phy- 
lologists consider as all resolvable into Sanscrit, the most ancient Ja- 
phethite speech existing ? 

Tile cases of the Komans and Jews, and of the Arab conquerors 
of Egypt and the Copts, are instances of conquest without extermina- 
tion; the parties remaining dissevered by religious differences. The 
cases of the Tartar-Turks, and the Arabs, and of the Arabs and the 
Persians, are cases of conquest without extermination, and with amal- 
gamation; the conquerors in the first case having adopted the reli- 
gion of the conquered, and the conquered in the second case, that of 
the conquerors. 

Instead of the Americans proceeding in their conduct towards the 
colored people with any reference either to the divine laws or the di- 
vine decrees, they act solely under the influence of their pride and 
prejudice. How their prejudice was in the first place produced, it is 
not necessary at this time to inquire. I may just remark that color 
has long been the badge of slavery. Long have the negroes been an 
enslaved and degraded class. The child is tutored to look upon a 
colored man as an inferior, and this feeling of superiority, implanted 
early in the mind of the child, growing with his growth, and strength- 
ening with his strength, becomes at last a confirmed and almost in- 
vincible principle, disposing him with eagerness to adopt any views of 
revelation which will [)ermit him to cherish and gratify his pride and 
hatred towards the colored man. Hence has arisen the aristocracy 
of the skin. Hence the many lamentable departures from the s|)irit and 
precepts of the gospel, every day witnessed in the United Slates. 
Two illustrations of the force of prejudice are now before me. The 
first is a short article from the New York Evangelist, copied into 
the Scotish Guardian of this city. I will read it entire. It is as 
follows: 

A Hard Case. A native born American applied to our authorities ttiis morning for a 
license to drive a cart. lie has been for years employed as a porter in Pearl Street, prin- 
cipally among the booksellers, who were his petitioners to the number of forty tiinis. He 
is an hor(!st, temperate, and in every respect a worthy man ; of an amiable disposition, 
muscular frame, and of pood address, and every way calculated for the situation Ke seeks ; 
besides being a member of the Society of Friends, a sufficient recrniniendatif n o( ilfelf ; 
for the office is now filled in part by swearing, drunken, quanelliiip foreigneis. vho are 
daily distiirbint; the quiet of our streets by their broils, and endangering the lives of our 
citi/ens by tiicir infuriate conduit. 



141 

Win. S. Hewlett was refused by our Mayor, on the ground of public opinion ! because 

" guilty of a skin 

Wot colored like his own." 

Hewlett owns property in William Street, to the amount of 20,000 dollars; but pre- 
fers, unlike many of no more income, a life of industry and economy, to seeking " otium 
cum dignitate." 

" What man seeing this, 
And having human feelings, does not blush, 
And hang his head to own himself a man." 

The next is found in a letter written by a Professor Smith, of the 
Wesleyan University, Connecticut, who, while vindicating^ the Univer- 
sity from the charge of having expelled a young man "for the crime 
of color," makes tlie following admission : 

"That it would be difficult, in the present state of public feelfng, to preserve a color- 
ed individual from inquietude in any ot' our collegiate schools, and to render his connec- 
■tion with them tolerable, is not denied." 

1 come now, (continued Mr. T.) to the state of the American 
Churches, in regard to Slavery ; and to attempt a justification of the 
heavy charges I have brought against them. If at the close of this 
address it shall appear that I have misrepresented the Chiistians of 
America ; tliat I have stated as facts, things which are untrue, I sol- 
emnly call upon those who have hitherto vindicated my rr[)utation, 
and sustained me as the truthful advocate of the cause ol human 
rights, to discard me as utterly disqualified to be their representative 
in so sacred a work, because, capable of pleading for JUSTICE at 
the expense of TRUTH. 

Of slaveholding ministers in America, Mr. Breckinridge has assert- 
ed, that they are as ONE IN A THOUSAND, or at most, as 
ONE IN FIVE HUNDRED. The first document I shall quote 
to disprove this assertion, will be a letter in the " Soudiern Religious 
Telegraph," of October 31, 1S35, addressed to the Presbyterian 
Clergy of Virginia ; written to warn those ministers against pursuits 
calculated to injure their spirituality, destroy their usefulness, and pre- 
vent those revivals of religion with which other portions of the Church 
of Christ had been favored ; also to account for an apparent declen- 
sion in [liety in the State generally. It is proper to remark, that the 
letter from which I make the present extract, was not written to pro- 
mote die cause of abolition ; that the writer never imagined it would 
be used on such an occasion ; and that the newspaper in which it ap- 
pears is pro-slavery to the very core. 

'•'In one region of country, where I am acquainted, of rather more than THIRTY 
Presbvterian ministers, including mi.'-f-ionaries. TWKNTY are farmers, viz. (planters 
and SLAVEHOLDI'.RS,) ON A rilKTTY EXTENSIVE SCALE; thre« are school 
teachers ; one is a farmer and a teacher ; one, a farmer and a merchant, and joint proprie- 
tor of iron works, which must be in operation on the Sabbath ; and one is a farmer and 
editor of a political newspaper. These fanners sienernlly superintend their own business. 
THEY OVERSEE THEIR NEGROES, attend to their stock, make purchases, and visit 
the markets to make sale of their crops. They necessarily have much intercourse with 
their neighbors on worldly business, and not unfrequently corne into unpleasant collision 
with the merchants." 

O, Sir, what a revelation of things is here ! These are not the cal- 
umnies of George Thompson, but the confessions of one, striving 



143 

earnestly to awaken tlie attemion of the Virginia clergy to a sense of 
the degradation and barrenness of the church, and to direct their at- 
tention to tlie main causes of snch iamenlable effects. 

Next, permit me :o request your attention lo an extract from "An 
Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky, proposing a plan for the 
instruction and emaiifipation of tiieir slaves ; by a Gomniitlee of tlie 
SYNOD OF KElNTUCKY. Cincinnati : published by Eli Tay- 
lor, 1835." We shall, in this document, get at the opinion of men, 
sensitively jealous for the honor, purity, and usefulness of the Pres- 
byterian chinches, from which Mr. Breckinridge is A DELEGATE. 
What say they of slavery in general, and the practice of THEIR 
CHURCH in particular: 

" Brutal stripes, and all the various kinds of personal indignities, are not the only spe- 
cies of cruelty, which sliivery licenses. The hiw does not recognize the family relal on's 
of a slave ; and extends to him no protection in the enjoyment of domestic endearments. 
The members of a slave family may be forcibly separated, so that they shall never mote 
meei. until the final judgment. And cupidity often induces the masters to practise what 
the law allows. Brothers and sisters, patents and children, husbands and wives, are torn 
asunder, and permitted to see each other no more. These acts are daily occurring in tlie 
midst of us. The shrieks and the agony, often witnessed on such occasions, proclaim 
with a trumpet-tongue, the iniquity and cruelty of our system. The cry of these sufferers 
goes up to the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth. "There is not a neighborhood, where these 
heart-rending scenes are not displayed. There is not a village or road that docs not be- 
hold the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mournful countenances 
tell th;it they are e.xiled by force from all that their hearts held dear. Our church, years 
ago, raised its voice by solemn warning against this flagrant violation of every principle of 
mercv, justicp, and "humanitv. Yet WE BLUSH TO ANNOUNCE TO YOU AND 
TO THE WORLD, THAT, THIS WARNING HAS BEEN OFTEN DISREGARD- 
ED, EVEN BY THOSE WHO HOLD TO OUR COMMUNION. CASES HAVE 
OCCl.'RRRD, IN OUR OWN DENOMINATION, WHERE PROFESSORS OF THE 
RELIGION OF MERCY HAVE TORN THE MOTHER FROM HER CHILDREN, 
AND SENT HER INTO A MERCILESS AND RI'.TURNLESS EXILE. YET 
ACTS OF DISCIPLINE HAVE RARELY FOLLOWED SUCH CONDUCT." 

Follow me now into the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the Pres- 
byterian Church of the L"^nited States, convened in Pittsburgh, Penn- 
sylvania, in May, 1835, and let the individual who addresses you be 
forgotten, while you listen to the things uttered in the mid.st of that sol- 
emn convocation. At the time when the passages i am about to 
read, were spoken, there were silting in that Assembly, men from all 
parts of the country. The Southern Churches fully represented by 
row upon row of ministers and elders- from every region of the 
slavehoiding Slates. In that Assembly, one year from this time, did 
the Rev. J. H. Dickey, of ihe Chilicothe Presbytery, Ohio, (a cler- 
gyman who had [)asscd thirty years of his life in a slave State.) and 
Mr. Stewart, a ruling elder from the Presbytery of Schuyler, Illinois, 
make the followiiie: statements, which have remained, I believe, un- 
contradicied to this hour: 

" He (Mr. Dickey,) believed there were many, and great evils in the Prpsbyterian 
Church ; but the drctriiie of slavehoiding, he was' fully persuaded, was the %vorst heresy 
now found in the Church." 

"Mr. STEWAI^T — I hope this Assemblv are prepared to come out fully, and declare 
their sentiments, that slavehoiding is a most flagrant and heinous SIN. Let us not pass 
it by in this indirect way, while so manv thousands and thousands of our fellow-cr<^a- 
tures are writhing under the lash, often inflicted too bv MINISTERS AND ELDERS 
OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH." 



143 

" IN THIS CHURCH, a man may take a free born child, force it away from its pa- 
rents, to whom God g^ve it in charge, saying, ' Bring it up for me,' and sell it as a beast, 
or hold it in perpetual bondage, and not only escape corpor:il punislimr-nt, hut really be 
esteemed an excellent Chrislian. KAY, EVEM iMlNISTERS OF 'IHE GOSPKL, 
AND DOCTORS OF DIVINITV, may engage in this unholy tralF.c, and yet sustain their 
high and holy calling." 

'^ RLDF.RS, MINISTERS, A^D DOCTORS OF DIVINITY, ARE WITH BOTH 
HANDS ENGAGED IN THE PRACTICE. ««'»»* A Slave- 
holder who is making gains by the trade, may have as good a character foi honesty as any 
other man." 

"No language can paint the injustice and .ibominatinns of slavery. But in these United 
States, this vast amount of moral turpitude is (as I believe) justly chargeable to the Church. 
I do not mean to say those church members who actually ensav'e in ihis diabolical prac- 
tice, bat I mean to say THE CHURCH. Yes, Sir, Ml the infiHeiity th.it is the result of 
this unjust conduct of the professed followers of CHRIST; all thi- unholy amalgamation; 
all the tears and groins ; all the eyes that liavu boen literally plucked from llieir sockets ; 
till the pains and'violent deaths from the lash, a id the various en.dnes of torture, and all 
the souls that are, or will be eternally damned, as a consequence of slavery in those 
United States, ARE ALL .JUSTLY CHXRGEAHLE TO THE CHUR( H ; AND 
HOW MUCH FALLS TO THE SH\RE OF THIS PARTICULAR CHURCH YOU 
CAN ESTIMATE AS WELL AS L " 

"The jud:;ments ofGod are stiring this Churcli full in the face, and threatening herdis- 
solution. She is all life and nerve in matters of doctrine, and on some points where men 
may honestly differ : wliile sins of a crimson dye are committed in open day, BY MEM- 
BERS OF THIS CHURCH WITH PERFECT IMPUNITY." 

I appeal to you, Sir, and tliis audience ; did Georg;e Tlinnri[)son 
ever utter cliarges against the American churches tiinre awful than 
those contained in the extracts I have read — extracts from speeches 
made in the General Assembly of the body from which iMr. Breckin- 
ridge is a delegate ? I leave for the present the Presbyterians, and 
proceed to notice the state of the 

METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCHES. 

Mr. Breckinridge displayed great regard for the reputation of this 
body. He believed they were almost free from the sin of slavehold- 
ing — their discipline was most emphatic in its condemnation of it, and 
he defied me to show that any Methodist was engaged in the infernal 
practice of slave trading. First, as to the probable extent of slavery 
in the church. On this point I shall quote from a solemn and authen- 
ticated document issued by a number of ministers in the Methodist 
Episcopal body in New England, entitled : — 

"An appeal on the subject of Slavery, addressed to the members of the New England 
and New Hampshire conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church ;" and signed by 
^ SHIPLEY W. WILSON. 

ABRAM D. MERRILL. 
L\ ROY SUNDERLAND. 
GIsORGE STORRS. 
Boston, Dec. 19th, 1834. JARED PERKINS. 

In answer to the question — 

" When will slavery cease from our church, if we continue to al- 
ter our rules against it as we have done for some years past ?" they 
■observe — 

" But we will not dwell on this part of our subject ; it is painful enough to think of; and 
nB members of the Methodist Episcopnl Church, and as Methodist preachers, we readily 
(coufess we are exceedingly afflicted with a view of it, and still more with a knowledge of 



144 

the fact, that the "great evil" of slavery has been increasing, both among the membership 
and ministry of the Methodist Episcopal Church, al a fearful rate, for thirty or forty years 
past. The general minutes of our Annual Conferences, announce abcmt 80,000 cuinred 
members in our church ; and it is highly probable, from various reasons which might be 
named, that as many as sixty thousand, or upwards of these, are slaves ; but what propor- 
tion of these and others, are enslaved by the Methodist members and Methodist preachers, 
we have no means of determining precisely ; but the alterations which have been marie in 
the discipline, show at once that the number if neither few nor small ; and if this evil was 
a " great' one fifty years ago, what must it be now ? What will it be fifty or a hundred 
years hence, should the discipline be ALTERED as it has been during half a century past? 
Who can tell where this "great" and growing "evil,'' will end? We frequently hear 
Christians and Christian ministers expressing the greatest fears for the safety of the "po- 
litical" union of these United States, whenever the subject of slavery is mentioned ; but 
no fears as to the prosperity and peace of the Christian church, though this " evil" be 
ever so " great," and though it be increased every day a thousand fold. But can it be 
supposed that any branch of the Christian church is in a healthy and prosperous state, 
while it slumbers and nurses in its bosom so great an evil." 

In reply to the challenge to produce one instance of a slave trad- 
ing Metiiodist, I give the follovving from " Zion's Watchman," a 
Methodist newspaper, published in New York. It is from a letter of 
a correspondent of that paper : 

" A man came among us where I was preaching, a class-leader, from Georgia, having a 
regular certificate, who appeared to be very zealous, exhorting and praying in our meet- 
ings, &c. 1 thought f had got an excellent helper ; but, on inquiring his business, I found 
he was a SLAVE TRADEk ; come on purpose to buy up men, women, and children, to 
drive to the South ! ! ! I expostulated with him ; but he said it was not thought wrong 
where he came from. I told him we could not countenance such a thing here, and that 
we could hold no fellowship with him." He farther told me that on inquiring of a slave 
he had with him, what sort of a master he was, he replied, " I have had four masters, but 
this is the most cruel of them all ;" and told him, as a proof of it, to look at his back, 
which, said the minister, " was cut with a whip, from his head to his heels ! I" The Rev. 
S. W. Wilson, of Andover, United States, gives also an extract of a letter he had seen 
from a gentleman of high standing, who was at the South at the time of writing, which 
says, " The South is too much interested in the continuance of slavery, to hear any thing 
upon the subject. The preachers of the gospel are in the same condemnation, and 
METHODIST PREACHERS ESPECIALLY. The principal reason why the Metho- 
dists in these regions are more numerous and populnrthan other denominations is, THEY 
STICK SO CLOSELY TO SL.WERY!! THEY DENOUNCE BOTH THE ABO- 
LITIONISTS AND THE COLO.MZATIONISTS." 

To show the extent to which THE B.\PTIST CHURCHES 
SHARE THE GUILT OF THE SYSTEM OF SLAVERY 
IN AMERICA, it will be sufficient to read an extract from a letter 
addressed to the Board of Baptist mini.sters in and near London, by 
the Rev. Lucius Bolles, D. D., the Corresponding Secretary of the 
American Baptist Board of Foreign Missions. The testimony is the 
strono;er, because the whole letter is a carefully written apology for 
Southern religious slaveholders, and an attempt to silence the remon- 
strances of the English churches. 

"There is a pleasing degree of union among the multiplying thousands of Baptists 
throughout the land. Brethren from all parts of the country meet in one Cleneral (^on- 
Tcntion and co-operate in sendinij the gospel to the heathen. Our Southern brethren are 
liberal a-id zealous in the promotion of evcrv holv enterprize for the extension of the ffos- 
pel. THEY ARE, GEiNERALLY, BOTH MINISTERS AND PEOPLE, SLAVE- 
HOLDERS." 

In this connection, I may notice the recomniemlntion of the work 
of Drs. Cox and Holiy. V\ e are assured by Mr. Breckinridge, 
(though he confesses he has not read the book,) that every represen- 
tation it contains relative to slavery among " the Baptists in America,'* 
may be relied on. That hook, thus en<lorsed by Mr. B., informs us 



145 

that the deputation were permitted to sit in the convention at Rich- 
mond, Viii:;iiiia, only on conHiiioti of 'profound silence, touching tlie 
wroni:;s of more thnn two ii)i!lions of heathenized j^hives. We are 
gravely told that the intrndiinio i of nbolilion v\onld have been "an 
INT.CUSION. as RUDE as ii wo.dd hnve hem UNWELCOME." 
It would, says the Dflesi^.tes, have " FRUS TRATED every object 
of onr mission;" " a\v;i kilned HOSTILITY, and kindled DIS- 
LIKE;" "roused into EMBITTERED ACTIVITY feelings be- 
tween Christian bretiiren. wliich must have SEVERED the Baptist 
churches." It would have ocrasioned the " UTTEF^ CONEL'- 
SIOIV OF ALL ORDER, the RUIN of all Christian fee'in-r," and 
"THE DESTRUCTION OF ALL LOVE AND FELLOW- 
SHI I*;" and the Convention would eidier liHve been " DISSOLV- 
ED" bv '^MAGISTERIAL INFLUENCE," or "THE DEL- 
EGATES WOL'LD HAVE DISSOLVED THEMSELVES." 
Yet this was "a sacred and heavenly meeting;," in whi' h " tho kind- 
liest emotions, the warmest afTeelions, the loveliest spirit towards our- 
selves, (the Ba|)tist Delei^ates,) towards Enjiland and mankind" ex- 
isted ! Oh, Sir, is it possil)le to draw a n^ore aflectini^ picture of the 
vvilherini;; and corruptins; influences of shivery, tiian is here presented to 
our view in this description of the triennial convention of Baptist min- 
isters, assembled in the city of Richujond, Virginia, in the year 1835. 

AMOS DRESSER'S CASE. 

I proceed to notice the case of Amos Dresser ; the youn? man who 
was so iid)umanly tortured by the citizens and professing Christians of 
the city of Nashville, Tennessee. I can assure my opponent, that 
the discrepancy in my statements which he las noticed, is an error in 
reporting. I am not aware of having ever stated the number of el- 
ders in the committee to be eleven. My statement of the case has 
always been simply this — that Mr. Dresser, a pious and respectable 
young man, was a[)prehended in Nashville, on suspicion of being an 
abolitionist ; brouirht before a Vigilance Committee, and. according 
to " Lynch Law," was sentenced to receive twenty lashes with a 
cowskin, on his bare back. That he was so punished ; and that upon 
the Conmiittee were seven elders of the Presbyterian chuich. and 
one Campbellite minister. The whole case as narrated bv iNlr. Dres- 
ser, and published in the Cincinnati Gazette, is now before me. The 
Committee, by which Mr. Dresser was tried and sentenced, is called a 
"Committee of Vigilance and Safety." 

The following are the names of the seven elders in the Presbyte- 
rian Church : 

JOHN- NICHOL, 
ALPHA KIJNGSLKY, 
A. A. CASSRDAV, 
WM. ARMSTRONG, 
SAMUEL SF.AY. 
S. V. D. STOUT. 
S. C. ROBINSON. 
Tlie name of the Campbellite Minister, THOMAS CLAlEOPiNF,. 
19 



146 

The Committee, after examiniog his books, papers, and private 
memoranda, and hearing his defence, found him guilty — Ist. " Of be- 
ing a member of an Anti-Slavery Society in Ohio." 2d. '* Of liav- 
ing in his possession periodicaU published by the American Anti- 
Slavery Society." And 3d. "They BELIEV^ED he had circulat- 
ed these periodicals, and advocated in t!ie coujmunity tlie principles 
ihey inculcated." The Chairman, (says Mr. Dresser,) then pro- 
nounced that I was condemned to receive twenty lashes on my bare 
back, and ordered to leave the place in tVrenty-four hours. This 
was not an hour previous to the commencement of the Sabbath. 
Mr. Dresser gives the following account of the infliction of the 
sentence : 

"I knelt to receive the punishment, which was infiicted by Mr. Brauchton, the city 
officer, with a HEAVY CO^VSKIiX. When the infliction ceased, an involuntary feeling 
of thanksgiving to God, for the fortitude with which I had been enabled to endure it, 
arose in my soul, to which I began aloud to give utterance. The death-like silence that 
prevailed for a moment, was sudiienly broken, with loud exclamations, " G — d d — m him, 
stop his prayin.;." I was raised to my feet by Mr. Branghton, and conducted by him to 
my lodging, where it was thought safe for me to remain but for a few moments. 

" Among my triers, there was a great portion of the respectability of Nashville. 
Nearly half the whole number, professors of Christianity, the reputed stny ol tl e church, 
supporters of the cause of benevolence in the form of tract and missionary societies and 
Sa'ibath schools, several members and most of the elders of the Presbyterian church, 
from whose hands, but a few days before, I had received the emblems of the broken body, 
and shed blood of our blessed Saviour." (! ! ! !) 

Mr. Breckinridge has twice referred to the appearance of a runa- 
way slave at my lectures in London, and has accused me of carrying 
him about with me, to enact interludes during my meeting. I can 
assure Mr. Breckinridge that I never had any thing lo do with the at- 
tendance of Moses I^oper at my meetings, or wiih the speeclies he 
delivered. On neither of the occasions mentioned had 1 any knowl- 
edge of his being in the chapel imlil I found him among the rest ol 
my auditors. As foi- den) ing the Aicts staled by him, knowing as [ 
do the brutalizing effects of slavery, and the state of society in the 
slave States of America, it is out of the question. 1 see noihing in 
the facts stated by Mo^es Hoper at all improbable. Since I last came 
to this city, 1 have read in an American newspaper, an account of an 
afTair in Tennessee, at which the Ijlood runs cold. A black man hav- 
ing committed some crime, was lorlged in prison by the authoriiies, 
but being demanded by ihe cilizens, was given tip to them, tied to a 
tree, and BUKINT AIJVK! Dining my residence in the United 
States, a negro was hmnt ;ilive. arcordiiig to a sentence given by one 
of the constituted tribunals of the State ! It was called an exempla- 
ry punishment, and many of the papers throngboul the country were 
filled with long and learned articles justifying the horrid outrage. 
Mr. Breckinridge may point to the laws and the constitution of the 
country, but I tell him they and the authorities appointed to enforce 
them are alike powerless. 1 point him lo the atrocities of lAuch 
law all over the land ; to tli > hruial massacre of the gamblers in Mis- 
sissippi, where men in the ijroad davlight were dragcod forth, and lied 
by llie neck to branches of trees, llicir eyes starting (Void (heir sockets, 



147 

and their wives driven across the river, in open boats ; their lives 
threatened, for daring to ask for the dead bodies of their husbands. 
I ask if any law reached the fiends in human shape, who perpetrated 
these deeds. I ask Mr. Breckinridge if any law punislied the felons 
of Cl)arlesion, wlio, seizing the pubhc conveyances, violated the con- 
stitution, and tlie law of the State, by robbiits; the mail bags of their 
contents, and burning them ? Did not the Post .Master General en- 
couragingly say, " I cannot sanction, but I will not condemn what 
you have done. In your circumstances I would have acted in a sim- 
ilar manner." Need I remind Mr. Breckinridge of the mobs at the 
North ; the riots of New York ; the sacking of Mr. Tappan's house, 
and the demolition of colored schools ? Laws there may be, but 
while slaverv exists, and is defended by public sentiment, and while 
the ferocious prejudice against color remjins, they will want the " ex- 
ecutory principle,'' without which they are but cruel mockery. 

A glance at the moral and religious slate of the slave population 
will show the amount of care and altenlion exercised by the Chris- 
tian churclies at the South. 

What sa^'s the Rev. C. C. Jones, in a sermon preached before two 
associations of planters in Georgia, in 1831? 

"Generally speaking, thev (the slaves,) appear to us to be without God, and vithout 
hope in the world, a NATION OF HEATHEN in our very midst. We cannot cry out 
against the I'apists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people, and keeping 
them in ignorance of the way of life, for we WITHHOLD the Bible frum our servants, 
and keep them in ignorance of it, while we will not use the means to have it read and ex- 
plained to them. The cry of our perishing servants comes up to us from the sultry jilains 
as they bend at their toil ; it comes up from their humble cottages when they return at 
evening to rest their weary limbs ; it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance, 
and superstition, and adultery, and lewdness. We have manifested no emotions of hor- 
ror at abandoning the souls (if our servants to the adversary, the roaring lion that walketh 
about seeking whom he may devour." 

Again : what said the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, in a 
report on the state of the colored population, in respect of religious 
instruction ? 

"Who would credit it, that in these years of revivals and benevolent effort, in this 
Christian Republic, there are over TWO MILLIONS of human beings in the condition 
of HEATHEN, and in some respects in a worse condition. From long continued and 
close observation, we believe that their moral and religious condition is such, that they 
may justly be considered the HEATHEN of this Christian c.iuntry. and will bear com- 
parison with heathen in anv country of the world. The negroes are destitute of the gos- 
pel, and EVER WILL BE UNDER THE PRESENT .STATE OF THINGS. In the 
vast field extending from an entire State bevond the Potomac, to the Sabine River, and 
from the AUantic to the Ohio, there are to the best of our knowledge, not TWELVE 
men exclusively devoted to tlie religious instruction of the negroes. In the present state 
of fe^linT in the South, a ministry of their own color could neither be obtained NOR 
TOLERATED." 

Again : what says a writer in a recent number of the Charleston, 
South Carolina, Observer? 

"Let us establi-sh missionaries among our negroes, who. in view of religious knowl- 
edge, are as dehasingly ignorant as any one on the coast of Africa ; for I hnzard the asser- 
tion, that throughout the bounds of our Synod, there are at lensi one hundred thousand 
slaves, speaking the same language as ourselves, who never HEARD of the plan of sal- 
vation by a I-ledeemer." 



148 

A writer in the Western Lutninary, a respectable religious paper 
in Lexington, Keniucky, says, 

" I proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that heathenism is as real in the slave 
States ,13 It IS III the South :?ea [slants, and th.it our negroes are as justly olijrcts of at- 
tention to the American and other Boards of Foreign Missions, as- the Indians of the 
Weitern wiKis. What is it constitutes heathenism ? Is it to be destitute of a knowledge 
of Uod; of his holy word ; never to have heard scarcely a sentence of it read thrc)Uj,h 
life ; to know littleOr nothing of the history, character, instruction and mission of Jesus 
Christ; to be almost totally devoid of moral knowledge and feeling, oi sent.inents of 
probity, truth and chastity ? If tliis constitutes heathenism, then are there Uiousands, 
millions, of heathen in our l.eloved land, 'there is one topic to which I will allude, which 
will serve to establish the heathenism of this population. I allude to the uni\ers.il licen- 
tiousness which prevails. It may be said empliatically, that chastity is no virtue among 
them ; that its violatiijn neither injures female character in iheir own estimation, or that 
of their master or mistress. No instruction is ever given ; no censure pronounced. I 
speak not of the world j 1 speak of Christian families generally." 

Again : I give the words of the son of a Kentucky slaveholder, 
who became an abornionist at Lane Seminary, and has since induced 
his father to einancipaie his slaves. Hear James A. Thome. 

" Licentiousness. I shall not speak of the far South, whose sons are fast melting away 
under the UNBLUSHIJNG PHOI-LIGACY which prevails. 1 allude to the slave, u <'ii g 
West. It is well known that the slave lodgings, 1 refer now to village fhives, are expos- 
ed to the entrance of stranger.5 every hour of the night, and that the SLEE. iA(j 
APARTMENTS OF BOTH SEXES AKE COMMON. 

" It is also a fact, that there is no allowed intercourse between the families anH ser- 
vants, after the work of the day is over. The family, assembled for the evening, en y a 
conversation elevating and instructive. But the poor slaves are thrust cut. ISo ties of 
sacred home thrown around them ; no moral instruction to compensate for the toils of the 
day ; no intercourse as of man with man ; and should one of the younger members of the 
family, led by curiosity, steai out into the filthy kitchen, the child is speedily called back, 
thinking itself happy if it escape an angry rebuke. Why is this ? The drea.d of moral 
contamination. Most excellent reason ; but it reveals a horrid picture. THE SLA 
CU r OFF FKO.M ALL COMMUNITY OF FEELING WITH THEIR MASTER, 
ROAM OVER THE VILLAGE STREETS, SHOCKING THE EAR WITH THEIR 
VIJLG.VR JESTINGS, AND VOLl(l"TUOUS SONGS, OR OPENING THEIR 
KITCHE\S 'TO THE RECEPTION OF THE NEIGHBORING BLAl KS, THEY 
PASS THE EVENING IN (JAMBLING. D\NC1NG, DRINKING. AND THE 
MOST OBSCENE CONVERSATION, KEPT UP UNI'lL 'THE NIGHT IS FAR 
SPENT, THE.V CHOWN THE SCENE WITH INDISCRIMINATE DKB.^UCHE- 
RY. WHERE DO THESE 'THINGS OCCUR? IN THE KITCHENS OF 
CHURCH MEMBERS AND ELDERS! 

I shall now take the liberty of reading two letters from highly re- 
spectable gentletiicn in the South, t') friends in New England. The 
f/rst is from a clergyman in Norili Carolina, to one of il.e Professors 
in Bowdoin College, Maine. 

" You remember that when I was with you last summer, I was much opposed to the 
Anti-Slavery Society, aud contended that the colonization scheme was a full, and the only 
remedy, for the evils of slav(;ry, and that I made a sort of lalk before the students on the 
subject of slavery. It was a poor talk, for it was a miserable theme. I do not ^link what 
1 said had any effect against the Anti-Slnvery people, or at all ttrenptheried the cause of 
the (Colonization Society. Be this as it may, I feel it a duty I owe both to myself and to 
the friends I have with you, to say. that my views and feelings, which were then waver- 
in ;. hive since, after miliire deliberation and much prayer, been entirely changed, and 
th It I am now a strong ,\iiti-Slavery man. Yes, after mature reflection. I am ti.e sworn 
ciie-ny of slavery in all it.- forms, with all its evils. Henceforth it is a part of my religion 
to o[)|)0se slavery. I am greatly (=iir|)ris(:d. that I sliruld in any lorm have I i cr: tl e a] olo- 
gi-.t of a svstcm, so full of deadly puison to all holiness and benevolence as slavery, tho 
concocted essence of fraud, sclfisiinrss, and cold-hearted tyranny, and lie fruitful parent 
of II uiirn')Rred eviN, both to tho op-ircssor and tlie oppressed, the one thousandth part of 
which has never been brought to light. 



149 

" Do you ask, why this change, after residing in a slave country for twenty years. You 
recollect the lines of Pope, beginning, 

' Vicn is a monster of such friglitful mein, 
Tliat to be liiited, needs but to be Been.' 

I had become so familiar with the loathsome features of slavery, that they ceased to of- 
fend ; besides, 1 had become a Southern man in all niy feelings, and it is a part of our 
creed to defend slavery. I had also considered it was impossible to I'ree the slaves in this 
country. But it is unnecessary to investigate the ground ot my former opinions. As to 
the Colonization Society, I have this among many dbjeciions that it has two fices, one 
for the North, and a very different one for the South. If the at;ents of the Colonization 
Society will come here and say what I heard them say in i\ew York, I will insure them a 
good coat of tr.r and feathers (or their labor. That Society has few friends here, a few large 
slaveholders who by it hope to send off the free people in their neighboriiood, and a few 
others, whose consciences are not quite easy, get a salvo by advocating the Colonization 
Society. These last are many of them ministers. The mass of the people regard it as a 
Yankee plan, and hate it of course. I remember, among otfeer things, 1 told the students 
in my address, that the only way to do away slavery was to give us more religion. This 
argument then seemed to be good. Send us preachers said 1, and as religion spreads, 
slavery will melt away, it cannot stand the gospel. I did not reflect that the religion we 
have here, justifies and upholds slavery. Our religion does not permit the preacher to 
touch the subject. It is not the whole gospel. 1 have not yet seen the man who woold 
venture to take for his text, ' Masters, give to your servants that which is just and equal.' 
If every man in the country was a professor of religion, the religion we have, it would 
not much help the cause I think that I can safely say that as a general thing, the Pres- 
byterians are by far the best masters, and give more attention to the religious instruction 
of their slaves than others, but 1 know one of these, an elder, who contends that slavery 
is no violation of the law, ' Thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself,' and whose slaves 
are driven in the field with the long whip ! But it is just to add. that they are not over- 
worked, and they are well fed and clothed. You are at liberty to inform the students, and 
others who heard me on that occasion, that 1 am now an anti-slavery man ; but I do not 
wish the letter published with my name to it, as it would be copied by other papers, and 
find its way back, and do me injury, for no man is free, fully to express his thoughts in 
this country." 

The next is from a merchant in St. Louis, Missouri, to a Clergy- 
man in New Hampshire. 

Saint Louis, Jan. 18, 1835. 
Very Dear Brother. 

I want to say a good deal to you. Brother, on the subject, which seems to interest you 
much at this time. I am now, and was before I left Hartford, an abolitionist ; and that too, 
from deep and thorough conviction that the eternal rule of right requires the immediate 
freedom of every bond-man in this and every other country. Since my residence in this 
slaveholding State, 1 have seen nothing which should tend to alter my previous sentiments 
on this subject, on the contrary much to confirm me in them. You, who reside in happy 
New England, can have but very faint conceptions of the blighting and corrupting influence 
of Slavery on a. community. Although in Missouri we witness Slavery in its mildest form, 
yet it is enough to sicken the heart of benevolence to witness its etfects on society gene- 
rally, and its awfully demoralizing influence on the slaves themselves; being counted as 
property among the cattle and flocks of their possessors, (forgive the word,) their stand- 
ard of morality and virtue is on a level (generally) with the beasts with which they are 
classed : and I am credibly informed that many emigrants from the slave states, who own 
plantations on the Missouri River, flnding themselves disqualified liy their former habits of 
indolence to compete with emigrants of another character in enterprize, turn their atten- 
tion to the raisintr of slaves as they would cattle, to be sold to the Negro dealers to go 
down the river. What sort of standard of virtue, think you, will have place on such a 
plantation; and at what period in the history of our country will these degraded sons of 
Africa be christianized under existin<r circumstances. . 

The un!;odly man who is a slaveholder, is well enough pleased with the efforts and 
views of the Colonization Society, because he can manage to throw o1" responsibility, and 
date far a-liead the time when he shall be called upon to do right ; but state to him the 
sentiments and principles of the abolitionists, and he at once becins to froth and rage — all 
the mallniitv of his nature is called into action — and why? He f'>els the pressure 
of respo'isibility, he acts very like an impenitent sinner, pricked with the truth, and 
like him, too, he either comes on the side of rijiht, or Is hardened into a stern opposer. 
It is gratifying to notice the uradual influence the abolition principles are obtaininf; over 
the hearts and consciences of every slaveholding community, especially over the hearts 
of Christian slaveholders. Many of them who have allowed the subject to have a place 
in their thoughts, are greatly agitated, and dare not sell or buy again for their peace-sake. 
But more of this another time." 



150 

I shall now lay before ilie meeting the sentiments of General 
George M'Duflie, Governor of -the Stale of South Carolina ; as con- 
tained in a rnessa^je delivered by him to the two branches of the Leg- 
islature, towards the close of the last year. I charge these senliiiienls 
upon the State, 1st, because the representatives of its citizens, in a 
series of resolutions presented to the Governor, unanimously express- 
ed their special approbation of them ; and 2dly. because I am not 
aware that any protest lias been entered against them by any part of 
the Christian community. Sentiments more atrocious were, perhaps, 
never penned. 

The first extract, recommending legislation, has reference to the 
diffusion of Anti-Slavery publications. 

"IT IS NfY DELIBF.RATE OPINION THAT THF, LAWS OF IsVERY COM- 
MUNITY SHOULD I^UjMSH THIS SPECIRS OF INTEl^FKKENCE liY DEATH 
WITHOUT BENEFIT OF CLERGY, REGAIiDING THE AUTHORS OF IT AS 
ENEMIES TO THE HUMAN RACE. Nothing could be more appropriate than for 
South {'arolinri to set the example in the present crisis, and I trust the Legislature will 
not adjourn till it discharges this high duty of patriotism." 

Let US look at the theological views of this profound Statesman on 
the subject of Slavery. 

NO HUMAN INSTITUTION, LN MY OPINION. IS MORE MANIFESTLY 
CONSLSTENT WITH THE WILL OF GOD, THAN DOMESTIC SLAVERY, and 
no one of his ordinances is written in more legible characters than that which consigns 
the African Race to this condition AS MORE CONDUCIVE TO THEIR OWN HAR- 
PINESS, THAN ANY OTHER OF WHICH THEY ARE SUSCEPTIBLE. Wheth- 
er we consult the sacred Scriptures or the lights of nature and reason, we shall find these 
truths as abundantly apparent as if written with a sun-beam in the heavens. Under both 
the Jewish and Clinstian dispensations of our religion, BOME.STIC SLAVERY existed 
with the unequivocal sanction of its prophets, its apostles, and finally its great Author. 
The pitriarchs themselves, these chosen instruments of God. were slaveholders. In fact 
the divine srvnction of this institution is so plainly written that "he who runs may read" 
it, and those over-righteous pretenders and pharisees, who affect to be scandalized by its 
existence among us, would do well to inquire how much more nearly they walk in the 
wav of godliness, than did Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. That the African necro is DE.S- 
TINED BY PROVIDENCE TO OCCUPY THIS CONDITION OF SERViLE DE- 
PF.NDENCE. is not less manifest. It is marked on the face, stamped on the skin, and 
evinced by the intellectual inferiority, and natural improvidence of his race. THEY 
HAVE ALL THE QUALITIES THAT FIT THEM FOR SLAVES, AND NOT 
ONE OF THOSE THAT WOULD FIT THEM TO BE FREEMEN, ihey are utterly 
unqualified not only for rational freedom, but for self-government of any kind. They are 
in all respects physical, moral and political, inferior to millions of the human race, who 
have for consecutive ages dragged out a wretched existence under a grinding political des- 
potism, and who are doomed to this hopeless condition by the very qualities which unfit 
them for a better. It i.s utterly astonishing that any enlightcd .American, after contem- 
plating all the manifold forms in which even the white race of mankind are doomed to 
slavery and oppression, should suppose it possible to reclaim the Africans from their des- 
tiny. THE CAPACITY TO ENJOY FREEDOM IS AN ATTRIKU IE NOT TO 
BE COMMUNICATED BY HUMAN POWER. IT IS AN ENDOWMENT OF 
(;OD. AND ONE OF THE R VIIEST WHICH IT HAS PLEASED HI.- INSCRU- 
TABLE WISDOM TO BESTOW UPON THE NATIONS OF THE EARTH. IT 
JS CONFERKEl) AS Till'. REWAPD OF MERIT, and only upon those who are 
qualified to enjoy it. Until the " Ethiojiian can change his skin," it will be vain to at- 
tempt, by any human power, to make freemen of those whom God lias doomed to be 
slaves, by all their attributes. 

Let not, therefore, the misguided and designing intermeddlers who seek to destroy our 
peace, imagining that they are serving the cause of God by practically arraigning the 
decrees of his Providence. Indeed it would scarcely excite surprise, if with the impi<nis 
audacity of those who projected the tower of Babel, they should attempt to scale the 
battlements of Heaven, and remonstrate with the God of wisdom fur having put THE 
MARK OF CAIN AND THE CURSE OF HAM ui)on the African race instead of 
the European. 



151 

The Governor then proceeds to give his views on the political bear- 
ings of the question, and thus sums them up : — 

"DOMESTIC SLAVKRY, THERF.FORF,, INSTEAD OF BEING A POLITICAL 
EVIL, IS THE CORNER STONE OF OUR REPUBLICAN EDIFICE. ISo patriot 
who justly estimates our privileges, will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any period 
however remote, or on any conditions of pecuniary advantage, however favornble. I 
would as soon think of opening a negotiation for selling the liberty of the State at once, 
as for miking any stipulations for the ultimate emanci[>ation of our slaves. So deep is 
my conviction on this subject, that if I were doomed to die immediately after recording 
these sentiments, I could say in all sinceiity, and under all the sanctions of Christianity 
and patriotism, God forbid that my descendants, in thk rk.motest generations, 

SHOULD LIVE IN ANY OTHER THAN A COMMUNITY HAVING THE INSTITUTION OF DO- 
MESTIC SLAVERY." 

The conduct of the clersy of South Carolina, may be inferred 
from the following account of a great ^ro-slavery meeting, held in 
the city of Charlesion, to denounce in the most malignant spirit, the 
abolitionists of the INorih : 

(From the Charleston Courier.) 
GREAT AND IMPORTANT PUBLIC MEETING. 
One of the most imposing assemblages of citizens in respect of numbers, intellig-ence 
and respectability that we have ever witnessed, met yesterday morning at the City Hall, 
to receive the report of the Committee of twenty-one, appointed by the meeting on the 
4th inst. on the incendiary machinations now in progress against the peace and welfare of 
the Southern States. THE CLERGY OF ALL DENOMINATIONS ATTENDED 
IN A BODY, LEXDING THEIR SANCTION TO THE PROCEEDING.s. AND 
AIDING BY THEIR PRESENCE, TO THE IMPRESSIVE CHARACTER OF 
THE SCENE! 

After thundering forth the most violent threats against the discus- 
sion of the subject of slavery, the meeting closed witli the following 
resolution : 

On the motion of Captain Lynch, 

" Resolved, That the thrinks of this meeting are due to the Reverend gentlemen of 
the Clergy in this city, who have so promptly, and so effectually, responded to public 
sentiment, by suspending their SCHOOLS in which the free colored popula- 
tion WERE taught; and that this meeting deem it a patriotic action worthy of all 
ptaise, and proper to be imitated by other teachers of similar schools throughout the 
State." 

The following document will speak f t itself. I commend it to the 
consideration of ministers of Christ throughout the world. 

CHARLESTON PRESBYTERY ON SLAVERY. 
Extract from the minutes of Charleston Union Presbytery, at their meeting on the 7th 
of April, 1836. 

With reference to the relation which the church sustains to the institution of slavery, 
and th« possibility of attempts to agitate the question in the next General Assembly, this 
presbytery deem it expedient to state explicitly the principles which they maintain, and 
the course which will be pursued by their commissioners in the Assembly. It is a princi- 
ple which meets the views of this body, that slavery as it exists among us. is a political in- 
stitution, with which ecclesiastical judicatories h.ive not the smallest right to interfere; 
and in relation to which any such interference, especially at the present momentous crisis, 
would be morally wrong and fraught with the most dnngerous and pernicious consequen- 
ces. Should any attempt be made to discuss this subject, our Commissioners are expfct- 
ed to meet it at the very threshold, and of any report, memorial or document, which may 
be the occasion of agitating this question in any form. And it is further expected, that 
our Commissioners, should the case require it, will distinctly avow our full conviction of 
the truth of the principles which we hold in relation to this subject, and our resolute de- 
termination to abide by them, whatever may be the is.^ue ; that it may appear that the sen- 
timents which we maintain, in common with Christians at the South, of every denomina- 
tion, are sentiments which so fidly approve themselves to our consciences, are so identi- 
iied with our solemn convictions of dutv, that we should maintain them under anv circum- 



162 

etnnces ; and at the same time, the peculiar circumstances In which we are placed, consti- 
tute ail imperious necesfity thnt we should act in accordance with these principles, and 
make it impossible for us to yield any thing in a matter which concerns not merely our 
personal interests, but the cause ef Christ, and the peace, if not the very existence of tlie 
Sjouthern community. 

Should our Coiiiinissioners fail ef accomplishing this object, it is expected that they 
will withdraw from the Assembly, with becoming dignity ; not willing to be associated 
with a body of men who denounce the ministers and members of Souihern churches as 
pirates and men-slealers. or who co-operate with those who thus denounce them. 

In conclusion, this Presbytery would suggest to their Commissioners the expediency of 
conferring with the Commissioners from other Southern presbyteries, that then? may be 
a common understanding between them as to the course most suitable to be pursued at 
this crisis, and on this absorbing question. And may that wisdom which is from above, 
which is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, be their guide in 
managing the important trust committed to their hands. 

Resolved, That this expression of our views be signed by the Moderator and Clerk ; 
that a copy be given to each of our Commissioners to the General Assembly, and that it 
be published in the Charleston Observer. £ -j' BUIST, Moderator. 

B. GiLDERSLEEVE, Temporary Clerk. 

Resolutions of the Presbyterian Synods of South Carolina and 
Georgia, December, 1834. 

" Resolved nnanimotisly, That in th« opinion of this Synod, Abolition Societies, and 
the principles on which tliey are founded, in the United States, are inconsistent with the 
best interests of the slaves, the rights of the holders, and the great principles of our po- 
litical institutions." 

The following declaration of sentiments has been published in 
Chiuleston, South Carolina, by the Board of Managers of the Mis- 
sionary Society, of the South Carolina Conference of die Methodist 
Ejiiscopal Church : 

" We denounce the principles and opinions of the abolitionists in toto ; and do solemn- 
ly declare our conviction and belief, that, whether they were originated, as some business 
rnen have thought, as a money speculation, or. as some politicians think, for party elec- 
tioneering purposfs. or, as we are inclined to believe, in a false philosophy, over-reaching 
or setting aside the Siriptures throuph a vain conceit of higher moral retinemcnt, they are 
utterly erroneous, and altogether hurtful. We consider and believe that the Holy Scrip- 
tures, so far from giving any countenance to this delusion, do unequivocally authorize the 
relation of master and slave. We hold that a Christian slave must be sul)missive, faithful 
and obedient, for reasons of the same authority with those which oblige husbands, wives, 
fathers, mothers, sisters, to fulfil the duties of these lelations. We would employ no one 
in the work who might hesitate to teach thus ; nor can such an one be found in the whole 
number of the preachers in this Conference." 

One other document in reference to South Carolina, viz., the reso- 
lutions recently passed by the " Hopewell Presbytery." On the 
subject of dotnestic slavery, this Presbytery believe the followinj; facts 
have been most incontrovertibly established, viz : 

I. Slavery has existed in the church of God from the time of Abraham to this day. 
Members of" the church of God have held slaves bought with their money, and born in their 
houses ; and this relation is not only recognized, but its duties are defined clearly, both 
in the Old and New Testaments. 

II. Emancipation is not mentioned among the duties of the master to his slave. 
While obedience "even to the froward" master is enjoined upon the slave. 

III. No instance can be produced of an otherwise orderly Christian, beiiij reproved, 
much less kxcommu.nicated from the church, for the single act of holding domestic 
slaves, from the days of Abraham down to the date of the modern Abolitionists. 

IV. Slavkry existed in the Hnited States uEFonr our eccle-^iasticai. codv 

WAS OROANIZKI). It IS NOT CONDEMNED IN OUR CONFESSION OF FaITH, AND HAS AL- 
WAYS EXISTED IN OUR Church without reproof or condemnation. 

V. Slavery is a political institution, with which the ('hnrcli has nothing to do, except 
to inculrntp tl>p duties of master and slave, and to use lawful spiritual means to have all, 
both bond and free, to become one in Clirist bv fiith. 

Retrardini; these positions as Hndonbtedly true, our views of duty constrain us to adopt 
the following resolutions : 



153 

Rtiolvtd, That the political institution of domestic slavery, as it exists id the South, is 
not a lawful or constitutional subject of discussion, much less, ef action by the General 
Assembly. 

Resolved, That so soon as the General Assembly passes any ecclesiastical laws, or 
recommends any action, which shall interfere with this institution, this Presbytery will 
regard such laws and acta as tyranical and odious ; and from that moment will regard itself 
independent of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church 

Resolved, That our delegates to the approaching Assembly are hereby enjoined to use 
all Christian means to prevent the discussion of domestic slavery in the Assembly ; to 
protest in our name, against all acts that involve or approve abolition; and to witlidraw 
from the Assembly and return home, if, in spite of their efforts, acts of this character 
shall be passed." 

From the official account of the proceedings of the Synod of 
nia, I take the followina; 



Virg 



REPORT ON ABOLITION. 



"The Committee to whom were referred the resolutions, &,c., have, according to or- 
der, had the same under consideration: and respectfully report that in their judgment, 
the following resolutions are necessary and proper to be adopted by the Synod at the 
present time. 

" Wkereas, The publications and proceedings of certain organized associations com- 
monly called .\nti-slavery, or Abolition Societies, which have arisen in some parts of our 
land, 'have greatly disturbed, and are still greatly disturbing the peace of the church, and of 
the country ; and the Synod of Virginia deem it a solemn duty which they owe to them- 
selves and to the community, to declare their sentiments upon the subject ; therefore, 

"Resolved unanimously. That we consider the dogma fiercely promulgated by said asso- 
ciations ; that slavery as it actually exists in our slaveholding States, is necessarily sinful, 
and ought to be immediately abolished, and the conclusions which naturally follow from 
that dogma, as directly and piilpably contrary to the plainest principles of common sense 
and common humanity, and to the clearest authority of the word of God. 

'•"Z. Resolved unanimously. That in the deliberate judgment of the Synod, it is the duty 
of all ministers of the gospel to foliow the example of our Lurd and Saviour, and of hia 
apostles in similar circumstances, in abstaining from all interference with the state of 
slavery, as established among us by the Commonwealth, and confining themselves strictly 
to their proper province of inculcating upon masters and slaves the duties enjoined upon 
them respectively in the sacred Scriptures, which must tend immediately to promote the 
welfare of both, and ultimately to restore the whole world to that state of holy happiness 
which is the earnest desire of every Christian heart. 

" The above preamble and resolutions having been severally read, and adopted by para- 
graphs, the Moderator asked and obtained leave to vote with tlie Synod, on the adoption 
of the entire report. The question being put, it was unanimously adopted, every member 
it is believed, giving it a hearty response." 

The last document I shall quote on this part of the subject, is one 
which will fill this meeting with horror ; but it is ri^ht that it should 
be placed on record, to show the opinion entertained by a minister of 
the Presbyterian church of his brethren and fellow Cliristians, and to 
show also, what kind of commimications pass current among the pro- 
fessed disciples of Christ in a slaveholding community. 

" To the Sessions of the Presbyterian Congregations within the bounds of West Hanover 
Presbytery : 

" At the approaching stated meeting of our Presbytery,! design to offer a preamble 
and string of resolutions on the subject of the use of wine in the Lord's Supper ; and also 
a preamble and a string of resolutions on the subject of the treasonable and abomina- 
bly wicked interference of the Northern and Eastern fanatics, with our political and civil 
rights, our property and our domestic concerns. You are aware that our clergy, whether 
with or without reason, are more suspected by the public than are the clergy of other de- 
nominations. Now, dear Christian brethren, I humbly express it as my earnest wish, that 
you quit yourselves like men. If there be any stray ^oat of a minister among us. tainted 
wilh the blood-hound principles of abolitionism, let him be ferreted out, silenced, excom- 
municated, and left to the public to dispose of him in other respects. 
" Your affectionate brother in the Lord, 

"HOBERT N. A^DEKSO.^.'•!!'. 

20 



154 

I trust I liave adduced sufficient evidence upon this heart-rending 
topic, and abundantly proved the allegations I have deemed it my duty 
to bring against the American churches. JNo one can accuse me of 
wishing that any thing should be believed upon my bare assertion. I 
have furnished documentary proof of the truth of all my statements. 
Presbyterians, and Conferences, and IMinislers, and Elders, and Sy- 
nods, and Assemblies have spoken for themselves through their solemn 
and accredited Speeches, and Letters, and Reports, and Resolutions. 
Judge, therefore, vvhelher 1 have libelled America ; whether 1 am the 
foul traducer that some would have you believe, but for believing 
which they supply you no ground, save their own ill-natured vitu- 
perations. Let the facts 1 have brought before you be deliberate- 
ly considered, and let such a verdict be given as will approve itself to 
the world and to God. Before sitting down, however, 1 must' ob- 
serve, that it has always given me the siiicerest pleasure to notice any 
Anti-slavery movements among the clergy of America. With de- 
light 1 have stated the fact, that in the General Assembly of 1835, 
there were FORTY EIGHT immediate Abolitionists. I refer again, 
on the present occasion, with unfeigned satisfaction, to the indications 
of a better state of things in many portions of the Presbyterian Church. 
iMr. Breckinridge has quoted the Assemblv's views on the subject of 
Slavery ; so have L In the recent meeting of the L'nited Secession 
Synod, held a short time since in Edinburgh, I stated fully the senti- 
ments of the Presbyterian body in America. At the same time, I 
could not omit naming one striking fact, viz. that in 1816, the Assem- 
bly struck out of the Confession of the Church, the following note, 
adopted in 1794, and which contained the doctrine of the church at 
that period on the subj(;ct of slaveholding. The note was appended 
to the one hundred and forty-second question of the larger catechism. 

"1 Tim. 1; 10. The law is made for MAN STF..\L!'.RS. This crime among the 
Jew3 exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment; Kxodus 21: \G ; and the apos- 
tle here classes them with sinners of tlie first rank. Tiie word he uses, in its original im- 
port, comprehends nil who are concerned in hringinp anv of the human race into i-lavetv, 
OR IN Rl-yrAl.Nl.MG TH(':.M IN IT. Hominum fure.s'. qui servos velliberos abduriint, 
retinent vendunt, vol emnnt. .Stealer* of men are all those who hrinfi off sl:ives or free- 
men AND KEl^P, .S1-:LL, OR BU V THK.M. To steal a free man, says (Irotius, is the 
highest kind of theft. In other instances, we only Bt<>al human property, but when we 
steal or retain men in slavery, we seize those who, in coir\rnon with ourselves, are consti- 
tuted by the original grant, lords of the earth. Cicnesis 1 ; Ju. \'ide I'oli synopsin in loc." 

Why this, note has been cancelled, I sh.ill not attempt to say. 
Neither Mr. Breckinridge nor this Assembly need be at any loss to 
imagine for what reasons so strong and unetjuivocal a {)nssage was 
omitted by a body in which so large a proportion were slaveholders. 
I have recently read, and publicly commeiulcii, an address put forth 
by the Synod of Kentucky, containing a vijry faitlii'ul, though appall- 
ing disclosure of the state of Slavery in Kentucky ; and expressing 
an earnest hope that the niemijers of the Presbyterian body will, 
without delay, lake steps to promote the educaiion and emancipation 
of the slaves. \ /t me also ^t-itc, that tl;e l'ii!!o\\Ing eccle-iasiical 
meetings have pas.-ed resolutions; and many ol tliem a(!o|)ie(l rules of 



155 

church membership, in accoidance with the views of the American 
Anti-Slavery Socie'y. Some of them have specidlly approved the 
principles and tueasures of that bndy. I beg, while Tread this list, to 
remind Mr. Breclvinridge that these form a part of that ragged regi- 
ment, respecting which lie was so merry in one of his" by-gone 
speeches, 

SYNODS of Utica and Ciiicinnati. 

Eastern Sub-Synod of the [reformed Presbyterian Church. 

PRliSBYTKRIIiS of Delaware, Champlaiu, Erie, Chillicothe, Detroit, and Geneiot, 
General Association of New York, 
Central Evangelical Association. 
Cumberland Baptist Association.— Equally divided. 
One Hundred and Eighty-Five Baptist Clergymen. 

The vast majority of the New England and JVew Hampshire Conferences of Episcopal 
Methodists, and a large number of individual Churches. 

Thus is the cause advancing ! The purifying leaven is extending 
through all the country. The elements vvhicli are ordained to redeem 
America trom the pollution and infamy of slavery, are working 
mightily. When I went to the United Slates, I took the principles 
I found lying companitively forgotten, and proclaimed them abroad. 
I planted myself upon the American Bihie, and the American De- 
claration of Independence, and preached from these that the varied 
tribes of men are of one blood, and that all men should be " free and 
equal." I have not labored in vain. There is now a mighty and in- 
domitable host of pure and ardent friends to the freedom and eleva- 
tion of the long degraded colored man. Let us thank God and take 
courage, and expect with confidence the speedy arrival of the happj 
day, when the soil of America shall be untrodden by the foot of a slave. 

Mr. BRECKINRIDGE said he regretted to be obliged to say 
anything more on this subject, which he had wished to consider con- 
cluded, so far as he was concerned, at the close of his preceding 
speech. He felt obliged, however, by the importance of the whole 
case, to consume a portion of this, his last address — and which he had 
desired to occupy in a different way — in making a few explanations 
which seemed indispensable. It would be observed, first, that the 
great bulk of the testimonies produced throughout, and especially in 
his last speech, by Mr. Thompson, were individual opinions and 
assertions, often of obscure persons, and therefore, for ought the 
world could teil, fictitious persons; or if known persons they were 
often men of the world, and avowedly acting on worldly principles, 
and therefore, no more affording a criterion of the state of the Ameri- 
can churches, than the immoralities of any public functionary here, 
could be justly made a rule of judgment of the faith and tnorals of 
British Christians, A considerable portion also were taken from the 
transient and heated declamations of violent patty newspapers, wdiich 
wrested from their original purpose and connection, might mean what 
never wa^ meant, or even, if fairly collated, expressed what their au- 
thors, perhaps, would now gladly recall. How fitr would it be proof 
of the assertions of Mr. T. of America — if in some other land, some 



156 

bigot should quote as indisputable, Mr. Thompson's story of the color- 
ed man in Washington City, whose assertion, at third hand, that he 
was free, authorised the declaration that " Ae had demonstrated his 
freedom, " and yet after ail had been sold into everlasting slavery 
without a trial ! And yet many of his proofs are of no more value 
to him, than his assertions ought to be to any who come after him. It 
is next most worthy of note, that so far as all his proofs establish any 
thing against either any portion of the American nation or the Ameri- 
can cliurch, they all run upon the assumed truth of all my explana- 
tions of their real state and operations. It is the slavebolding por- 
tion, it is the comparatively small body of slavebolding professors 
of religion, it is the minority of the nation, the very small minority 
of the Christians of it, implicated continually ; and therefore, if every 
word produced were true, the sweeping conclusions from them would 
be gross fraud on the prevailing ignorance of all American affairs. 
But what is most important to observe, and what must be palpable to 
the capacity of every child who has attended to this discussion, the 
weightiest of IVIr. Thompson's proofs ceased to be proofs at all, the 
moment the facts, cant words and circumstances connected are ex- 
plained. He used words in one sense which he knows you will 
understand in another — sporting at once with your good feelings and 
your want of minute information while all the result is false as to us, 
and unhappy as to every thing concerned, except "Othello's occupa- 
tion " which meanwhile is not gone. When decided and perhaps 
violent terms are used against "abolition " or " abolitionists" or "anti- 
slavery" or "the anti-slavery society," they are adduced to con- 
vince you that those who use them are pro-slavery men : that they 
understand the terms as you do ; and that it is an expression of rank 
hostility to all emancipation on the part of the American tyrants, in 
whose nostrils according to this gentleman the slave and freedom 
equally stink! A metaphor nearly as full of truth as decency. The 
fact however is, that although many would decline the use of the 
harsh and vindictive language which, caught from abolitionists, has been 
turned against them; yet the bulk of the real sentiments, as brought 
forward by Mr. Thompson as proofs of American slavery, on account 
of American hatred to his peculiar plans, principles and spirit in 
attem])ting its removal, are true, just and defensible. — And I an) rea- 
dy to advocate and to defend much that he by a disingenuous citation 
l>as made at first odious, and then characteristic of America. They 
prove only that he and his coadjutors are most odious to the country, 
which is a fact never denied except by himself or them. And to 
what has the whole current of his testimony tended if not to show 
that they n)ight reasonably have expected and did a great deal to de- 
serve such a conclusion. — IJut it is now impossible to enter again upon 
these matters and upon the case as presented, he was willing for 
the world to pass its verdict. While he would therefore take no far- 
ther notice of any new matter contained in the last speech, there 
were several remarks necessary to be made, to elucidate subjects that 



157 

had already been several limes before them. The 6rst case was that 
of Amos Dresser the abolitionist uhip|)ed at Nashville. He would 
pass over what Mr. T. had said relating to his (Mr. B.'s) notice of 
the discrepancy in the number of Elders in the Nashville Church. 
He had treated that gentleman with great candor in the matter, which 
he had returned with incivility and injustice, and there lie was content 
to let it rest. But how stood the facts of the case itself? Amos 
Dresser is reported to have said that there were seven elders of the 
church ; that all of them were on the committee of vigilance of Nash- 
ville ; that most of tliem were among his triers, and that some of them 
had administered the communion to him the preceding sabbath. Now 
let us admit that this is literally true — (which I believe however is not 
the case, in at least three particulars) — how does it justify INIr. Thomp- 
son in asserting as he did at London and elsewliere " that on that 
Lynch Committee there sat seven Elders and one Minister, some of 
ivhom had sat with the young man at the table of the Lord on the 
preceding Sunday "? Mr. Thompson positively contradicts his own 
and only witness when he says that all the seven elders sat as triers ; — 
he enlarges his testimony when he insinuates that they not only con- 
curred in his punishment, but were present and active in its infliction; 
and he infers without the least authority, and adds it to the words of 
the witness, that those very elders who administered the Lord's Sup- 
per to Dresser, on Sunday " ploughed up his back" — as Lynch Com- 
mittee men on a subsequent day of the same week. How in the name 
of common honesty is such deceitful handling of the truth to be tole- 
rated in a Christian community? Oh! what a spectacle would we 
behold — if I had but the privilege before some competent tribunal — • 
to take the published accusations of this man in my hands and force 
him to reveal on oath the whole grounds on which he makes them ! — 
Mr. B. then stated that after he entered the house to-night two packa- 
ges had been put into his hands, which he could not examine then, as 
he was just about to open the discussion. He had snatched a mo- 
ment during the interval to glance his eyes over their contents, and 
considered it his duty to say a few words in reference to each. One 
of them was a little volume from the pen of Dr. Channing, of Boston, 
on the subject of slavery, just passing through the press of an enter- 
prising bookseller of Glasgow, who had done him the favor of present- 
ing to him, in very kind terms, the first copy of the edition. They 
who would take the trouble of looking over the printed report of Mr. 
Thompson's second address to the Glasgow Emancipation Society, 
would find that in speaking of the Unitarians of America, he had 
used the following language: — "One of their greatest men, a giant in 
intellect, had already taken the right view of the subject, and there 
could not exist a doubt that ere long, he would bring over the body 
to the good cause." In this sentence, as it stands in the speech, at 
the end of the words " giant in intellect," — stands a star, — at the bot- 
tom of the page another, before the words "Dr. Channing." Now 
it so happens that in this httle book, there is a chapter headed "Aboli- 



153 

tlonism." I have looked through it casually, within the last hour ; 
and I beseech you all to read it carefully, and judge for yourselves, 
of the utter recklessness with which Mr. Thompson makes assertions. 
The other parcel, contained a letter from an American gentleman re- 
siding; in Britain, and one half of the New York Spectator, of Octo- 
ber 1, 1835. Under the head of editorial correspondence, is an article 
above a column and a half in length devoted in great part to Mr. 
Thompson. Amongst other passages, it adverts to his doings at 
Andover, and the charges made against him there, on such weighty 
authority ; and in that connexion has the following explicit paragraph : 

Mr. Thompson in conversation with some of the students repeatedly averred that every 
slaveholder in the United States OUGHT TO HAVE HIS THROAT CUT; or mi- 
SEIIVED TO HAVE HIS THKOAT CUT; although he afterwards publicly denied 
that he had said so. But the proof is direct and positive. In conversation with one of 
the theological studests in regard to the moral instruction which ought to be enjoved by 
the slaves, he distinctly declared TH.\T EVERY .-^LAVE SHOULD BE TAUGHT 
TO CUT HIS MASTER'S THROAT! I state the fact— knowing the responsibility I 
am assuming, and challenge a legal mvestigation. 

On this tremendous document, I make but two remarks — The first is 
that Francis Hall &. Co. the publishers of the Spectator, were in 
character and fortune, perfectly responsible to Mr. Thompson. The 
second is, that if Mr. Thompson's rule of judgment was just, in that 
branch of this same case — in the exercise of which he declared that 
another paper in New York could never be got to publish his excul- 
patory certificates in regard to this very transaction, because the pub- 
lisher knew them to be true; then we are irresistibly bound on his 
own showing to conjecture, that for the same reason he declined 
taking up the challenge of the Spectator. There was only one more 
topic on which he seemed called on to remark; and that he had seve- 
ral times passed over, out of consideration of delicacy. It had all 
along been his aim to use as little freedom as possible with the names 
of individuals — and he could declare, that he had implicated by name, 
no one except out of absolute necessity — that he had forborne to say 
true but severe things of several who had been most unjustly com- 
mended during this discussion — and had omitted of the very few he 
had censured by name, decidedly worse things, than those he had 
uttered of them — and which he might have uttered both truly and 
pertinently. Amongst the cases of rather peculiar forebearance, was 
the oit cited one, of a misguided young man, by the name of Thome, 
who went from Kentucky to New York to repeat a most audacious 
speech which was no doubt })repared for him, before an assembly 
literally the most mixed that was ever convened in that city : having 
delivered which, he departed with the pity or contempt of 9 lOths of 
all the decent people in it, and went I know not whither, and dwells 
I know not where. The victory as there triunpctcd, and now cele- 
brated, of which he was part gainer, consisted of two portions — the 
destruction of the colonization cause — and the degradation of Ken- 
tucky, his native state. The death of the Society was signalised by 
a subscription of six thousand dollars on the part of its friends; and 



1 59 

the infamy of Kentucky was illustrated by the ready stepping forward 
of four of her sons to confront and confound the ingraie who com- 
menced his career of manhood by smiling his parent in the face. 
Who made the defence, may be surmised from Mr. Thompson's bit- 
terness — I will not trust myself to repeat his name. But this thou- 
sands can testify — that never was a great cause more signally success- 
ful — never were folly and wickedness more thoroughly beaten into the 
dust — never did any community heap more cordial and tnianimous 
applause upon an effort of great and successful eloquence. 

And now, Sir, (said Mr. B., addressing Dr. Wardlaw, the Chair- 
man of the meeting) — 1 repeat the expressions of my regret, that 
these last moments allowed to me should have been required for any 
other purpose than that which so sacredly belonged to thenu Ex- 
hausted by a series of most exciting, and to me perfectly new con- 
tentions, 1 am altogether unequal to the task, which I should yet es- 
teem myself degraded if I did not attempt in some way to perform. 

To this large committee which has so kindly taken up this subject — 
so considerately provided for every contingency — so delicately con- 
sidered all my wishes, and even all my weaknesses — to these respect- 
ed gentlemen surrounding us upon this platform, whose conduct amid 
very peculiar circumstances has been towards me, full of candor, 
honor, courtesy and Christian kindness, it would have been most 
gross ingratitude, to have forborne this public expression of my regard 
and cordial thanks. 

For yourself, Sir, what can I say more, or how could I say less, than 
that in that distant country, which I love but too fondly, there are 
scores, there are hundreds, who would esteem all the trials through 
which this strife has led me, and all the weight of responsibility which 
my posture has forced me to assume, more than counter-balanced by 
the privilege of looking upon your venerated face. It is good to live 
for the whole world ; and it is but just to receive in recompense the 
world's thanks. 

And you, my respected auditors, whose patience I must needs have 
so severely taxed, and who have home with much that possibly has 
tried you deeply, you who have given me so many reasons to thank 
you, and not one to regret the errand that brought me here ; if in the 
course of providence, you or yours, should be thrown on whatever 
spot my resting place may be, you need but say, " I come from Glas- 
gow, and I need a friend," and it shall go hard with me, but I will 
find a way to prove, that kindness is never thrown away. 

But even as we part, let us not forget that cause which has chained 
us here so long. We are free. Alas ! how few can utter these 
words with truth ! We are Christian men, Alas ! what multitudes 
have never heard our Master's name. Oh ! how horrible must 
slavery be, when God himself illustrates the power of sin by calling 
it bondage ! Oh ! how sweet should union with Christ be thought, 
when he proclaims it glorious liberty ! Freedom and redemption arc 
in our hands : the heritasie in trust for a lost world. It is not then 



160 

our own souls only, but our divine Lord, and our dying brethren, that 
we sin against and rob, when we mismanage or pervert this great in- 
heritance. We needs must labor ; but let us do it wisely. And 
though we may differ in many things, in this at least we can agree, to 
importune our heavenly Father to prosper by his constant blessing 
what we do aright, and overrule by his continued care all that we do 
amiss. (Cheers.) 

Mr. THOMPSON then rose amidst much cheering, and said, 
Sir, after the valedictory address to which we have just listened, it 
would ill become me to touch upon any topic calculated to disturb 
feelings which I trust and believe that address has awakened in the 
breasts of this assembly. Sir, it is my conviction, that I and those 
with whom it is my joy and honor to act, in the advancement of the 
cause of Universal Emancipation, are much misunderstood. We 
are represented as the violent, acrimonious, ferocious and sanguinary 
foes of the slaveholder ; when, if he could look into our inmost hearts, 
he would discover no enmiiy to him abiding there, but on the contra- 
ry, an earnest desire to promote his safety, his honor, and his happi- 
ness. If we act as we do, it is not that we love him less, but that we 
love truth and freedom more. It is not with us a matter of choice 
that we pursue our present course, but one of stern imperative duty ; 
because we believe that God will vouchsafe his blessing only to tliose 
who preach the doctrine of an immediate, entire, and uncompromis- 
ing discharge of duty, leaving to Him the consequences flowing from 
obedience to His law. To discover truth wherever it is hidden, 
should be the aim and effiirt of every rational mind. It has been my 
desire to arrive at truth upon the great question of Slavery ; and af- 
ter much invesliga'ion, and many conflicts, I have reached the con- 
clusion, that slaveholding is sinful ; that man cannot hold property in 
man ; that to do right, and to do it noiv, fearless of results, is the 
doctrine of the Bible ; and that a simple and strict compliance with 
the Divine Law, is man's noblest and safest course. These being my 
settled views, I say to the slaveholder, give immediate freedom to 
your slaves. To the non-slaveholder, I say, preach a pure doctrine ; 
grap[)le witli the prejudices and fears of the community around you ; 
strive to raise the tone of public morals, and create a |)ublic sentiment 
unfavorable to the continuance of slavery. To the private Christian, 
I say, betake yourself to prayer, and the study of the Scriptures ; and 
invoke a blessing upon every righteous instrumiHitality for the over- 
throw of the abomination. To the minister of the gospel, I say, be 
bold for God ; cry aloud, and spare not, till the merchants of the 
earth cease to make merchandise of slaves, and the souls of men. 

Much fault is found with our measures. What, Sir, are our meas.- 
ures, but the simplest means of making known our principles ? Hav- 
ing d( liberately and prayeifully adopted certain views, we take the 
ordinnrv. common scn'^e, e\erv day methods of making those views 
known, and of recommendin;^ tlicm to the ad()[)tion of others. Be- 



Ijeving sKirery to be sin, is it strange that we hate it, and speak 
&tront,rly respecting it ? Believing immediaie emancipation a duty, is 
it strange that we pray, and preach, and print about it? That we 
lake all peaceful means of making known the great truth j of warn- 
ing men against the danger of delay ; and exhorting them to repent- 
ance ? The abolitionists have done no more. To have done less, 
would have been to prove themselves unfaithful to the high and 
heaven-born principles they profess. They court investigation. They 
scatter their publications on the winds to be read by all. They have 
not an office nor a book that is not open to the inspection of all. 
Their language to all who suspect their motives or their designs is, 
" search us, and know our hearts ; try us, and know our thoughts ; 
and see if there be any wicked way in us." If in the ardor of their 
zeal, and inherited in6rmities, and surrounded by influences, from 
which none of us are exempt; they sometimes apply epithets and 
bring charges with too little discrimination, " soenething should be par- 
doned to the spirit of liberty ;" something granted to the advocates of 
outraged humanity ; to those, wlio, remembering them that are in 
bonds as bound with them, plead as for mothers, children, sisters, and 
brothers ; at present lost to all the joys and purposes of life. Sir, I 
think it hard that on all occasions like these, the heaviest artillery should 
be levelled against the abolitionists, and the small arms only directed 
against the slaveholder. I call upon those who act with such gentle- 
ness towards the latter individual ; who are so fearful of doing him 
injustice and so readily to discover in him any thing that is amiable ir> 
character, or extenuating in conduct, to exercise some small portion 
of the same candor and kindness, and consideration towards the for- 
mer. Let not that man be most hateful in their eyes, who of all 
others is most earnestly engaged for the deliverance of the slave. 

A word before we part, for my honored co-adjutors on the other 
side of the Atlantic, Should this be the last address of mine ever de- 
livered and recorded for perusal when I am gone to give account of 
my sayings upon earth, I can with every feeling of sincerity aver^that 
to the best of my knowledge and belief, there is not to be found on 
the face of the earth at the present time, engaged in any religious or 
benevolent enterprise, a body of men more pure in their motives, 
more simple and elevated in their aim, more dependent upon divine 
aid in their efforts, or, generally speaking, more unexceptionable in 
their measures, than the immediate abolitionists of the United States 
of America. It has been my high privilege to mingle much with de- 
voted Christians of all denominations in my native land, and to enjoy 
the friendship of some of the noblest and most laborious of living 
philanthropists ; but I have not yet seen the wisdom, the ardor, the 
humanity or the faith of the abolitionists of America exceeded. 

Another word and I have done. It is for one. whom I love as a 
brother, nnd to whom my soul is united by a bond which death can- 
not dissolve; of one, who, though still young, has for ten years toiled 
with unremitting ardor, and unimpeached disinterestedness in the cause 
21 



162 

of ilic bleeding slave ; of one, who, though accused of scattering 
around him fire-brands, arrows and death ; though branded as a mad- 
man, an incendiary, and a fanatic; though denounced by the State, 
and reviled by a portion of the church, possesses a soul as peaceful 
and as pure as ever tenanted our fallen nature. I speak not to exalt 
iiitn or gratify his love of praise. 1 know he seeks not the honor that 
coineth from man, nor the riches that perish in the using. He looks 
not for his reward on earth. With the approbation of his conscience, 
he is content ; wiih the blessing of the perishing, he is rich ; with the 
favor of God, he is blessed forever. He seeks no monumental mar- 
ble, no funeral oration, no proud escutcheon, no partial page of histo- 
ry to perpetuate his name. He knows that when resting from his 
labors, the tears of an enfranchised race 

Shall sprinkle the cold dust in which he sleeps, 
t'onipless, and from a scornful world withdrawn : 
The laurel, which its malice rent, siiall shoot. 
So watered, into life, and nnantling throw 
Its verdant honors o'er his grassy tomb. 

That man \s "William Lloyd Gakrison. Sir, I thank God for 
having given him to the aze and country in which he lives. He is a 
man pre-eminently qualified for the mighty work in which he has en- 
gaged. May the God of the oppressed bless him, and keep him 
humble, and cheer him onwards in his rugged pnlli ! May his lion 
heart never be subdued ! May l)is eloquent pen never cease to move 
while a slave breathes to require its advocacy ! Heaven grant, and I 
can ask no more, that the wish of his heart may be fulfilled ; and that 
the lime may soon come, when, looking abroad over his beloved coun- 
try with the soul of a Patriot, and the eye of a Philanthropist and n 
Ciirisiian, he shall not be able to discover in State, or city, or town, 
or handet, a lingering trace of a tyrant or a Slave ! 

1 shall not, Sir, attempt (turning to the Chairman,) to express the 
feelings of my heart towards you, or my opinion of the manner in 
uhich you have discb.arged the duties of the Chair, through four of 
the evening.^ of this discussion. 1 cordially units with the gentleman 
opposite, in thanking you for the dignity and strict impartiality with 
which you have borne yourself I know you look for the reward of 
your labors of love in another and a better world. In that world may 
we all meet ! There our jar.: and discords will be at an end. There 
we shall see, eye to eye ; and know, even as we are known. There, 
in the presence of one Saviour, our joys, our voices, our occu])ations 
will be one ; and there I trust that we, who have been antagonists on 
oarih, will together meet and celebrate the glories of a common re- 
redemption from the sorrows and tho sins of earth. (Mr. Thompson 
icsumed fiis scat amidst loud and long continued cheers.) 

Mr. TH0MPS0.\^ moved that the cordial thanks of the meeting 
be given to the Rev. Di'. Waiidlaw, for his able, dignified, and im- 
|>artial conduct in the chair, and al.so to Dr. Kidston. who presided 
on Thursday cvenin^r, which was carried with acclamation. 



APPENDIX 



In reading the foregoing discusssion, we have been utlerly 
astonished at the grossness a^d magnitude of tlie falsehoods — 
not to mention the numerous miscolorings and misrepresenta- 
tions — which the reverend apologist for slavery has, with braz- 
en effrontery, unblushingly uttered even though aware of the 
fact that they were to be published to the world. It would 
seem as if feeling the necessity of defending a desperate cause 
by desperate means, he had resolved to pour out his misstate- 
ments and inacuracies with such lavish liberality, that his oppo- 
nent would be absolutely unable, in the time alloted to him, to 
correct them all, and thus contrive to make some of his false- 
hoods, because uncontradicted, pass for truth, and some of his 
distortions and perversions for fair representations. The event, 
we cannot help thinking, will show that he has presumed with 
far too much rashness on the supposed ignorance of the British 
people. Some of his falsehoods, mistakes, and misrepresenta- 
tions, which w^re either wholly unnoticed, or not fully answered 
by Mr. Thompson, for want, as he has informed us, of time to 
do it, we shall briefly notice here. 

First, however, we would call attention to the remark, that 
'he is not a slaveholder,' with which Dr. Wardlaw introduced 
Mr, Breckinridge to the audience, and in reference to it quote 
part of a letter from Dr. A. L. Cox of New York, to the edi- 
tor of the emancipator. ' The only knowledge I have on this 
subject,' says Dr. C, ' is what I derived from the confession of 
R. J. Breckinridge, extorted at an anniversary meeting of the 
Colonization Society in this city, in the spring of 1834.' After 
mentioning some of the circumstances which led him to speak, 



164 

the letter goes on to say, 'Just as Robert J. Breckinridge was 
on the point of speaking, one of the assembly inquired, ' Is be 
a slaveholder?' The orator seemed somewhat disconcerted, 
but answered ^ I have that honor.' 

In the first evening's discussion, page 6, Mr. Breckinridge 
says that the British people ' had sent out agents to America, 
who had returned defeated. They have failed — they admit they 
have failed in their object.' To say nothing of the accuracy 
which speaks in the plural number of a single individual, and 
which can easily be excused to one who in encountering him, 
probably felt that that individual was himself a host, — when or 
where has the alleged admission been made ? Never. No- 
where. The assertion is untrue. 

During the same evening, page 7, Mr. B. tells his audience that 
'of the twelve [free] states, at least four, Ohio, Indiana, Illin- 
ois, and Maine never had a slave.' What says the United 
States' census.'' In 1830, there were 2 slaves in Maine, 6 in 
Ohio, 3 in Indiana, and 747* in Illinois. In 1S20, there were 
190 in Indiana, and 917 in Illinois. In 1810, Indiana contained 
237, Illinois 168. In 1800, there were 185 in Indiana. But 
Mr. B. says, that ' since 1785, till this hour, there never had 
been one slave in any of these states.' 

'America,' he tells us, ' was the first nation upon earth, which 
abolished the slave trade and made it piracy.' See page 8. 
This will be unwelcome news to Messrs. Franklin and Armfield 
of Alexandira, D. C, whose standing advertisements in the 
Washington papers, offer cash for negroes of both sexes, from 
12 to 25 years of age, and announce the ' regular trips ' twice 
a month, of their vessels engaged in the slave trade between the 
District and New Orleans. It will be unpleasant intelligence 
in the city of Washington, where for ^400 a year, the 'trade 
or traffic in slaves ' is licensed for the benefit of the canal fund. 
It will be news to the keepers of the prisons in the District, who, 
in their official capacity, carry on the slave trade by selling men 
' for their prison and other expenses, as the law directs.' 

But Mr. B. means the foreign slave trade, not the domestic. 
The latter, indeed, may be licensed, and protected, and deemed 
honorable as it is lucrative. Those who engage in it, may be 

• ChUk\ indenled npprenticps, l>iit from tlie connection in wliicli it standi in tlie 
we infer thnt lliey «r« virtually siavofl. 



165^ 

like Armfield and Woolfolk, gentlemen ' of engaging and graceful 
manners,' reported to be ' mild, indulgent, upright, and scrupu- 
lousy honest,' but ihe foreign trade h piracy by the law of the land. 
Very meritorious truly! and worthy of abundant eulogy! to 
prohibit piracy on the high seas, or the African coast, while sell- 
ing permission to do along her own coast, and on her own terri- 
tories, the same acts which, when done abroad, constitute piracy. 
But to what does her abolition of even the foreign slave trade 
amount? Do her cruizers ever capture a slave ship? Sel- 
dom, if ever. Does she consent to such arrangements, in 
her treaties with other nations which are in earnest in their en- 
deavors to suppress the slave trade, as will prevent her flag from 
being made a protection to the detestable traffic ? No. The 
N. Y. Journal of Commerce, in a recent article very truly as- 
serts, that ' We neither do any thing ourselves to put down the 
accursed traffic, nor afford any facilities to enable others to put 
it down. IVay, rather, we stand between the slave and his de- 
liverer. We are a drawback — a dead weight on the cause of 
bleeding humanity.' And a late number of the Edinburgh Re- 
view, speaking of the application of the British Government 
to this, for its co-operation, says, ' The final answer, however, 
is, that under no condition, in no form, and with no restrictions, 
will the United States enter into any convention or treaty, or 
make combined efforts of any sort or kind, with other nations 
for the suppression of the trade.' With what face, then, can 
she claim praise for having merely made a law, which she 
almost never executes, and to the execution of which, by oth- 
ers, she permits her flag to be used as a hindrance. 

The next assertion of Mr. B's that we notice, is the astound- 
ing one, that America, ' as a nation, has done every thing in her 
power' for the abolition of slavery. See page 8. This, while 
the national domain is the home of slavery and the seat of the 
slave trade ! While the domestic slave trade, so far from being 
abolished by the National Legislature, as it may constitutionally 
be, is shielded and licensed ! This, while the moral power of 
the nation is slumbering, or if awake, arrayed to a great extent, 
in the defence of slavery ! That a man who values his reputa- 
tion — that a minister of the gospel of Mr. B's intelligence and 
knowledge of the country's condition and history in regard 
to this matter, should make such a declaration, is truly most 



166 

wonderful. Could he have expected it to be believed ? Could 
he have believed it himself? 

Mr. B., page 15, by way of explaining why Mr. Thompson 
was so differently received in Glasgow and Boston, applauded 
in the one place, and abused in the other, says that he toolc up 
the question of slavery as one of political organization. We 
give to this assertion, the answer of the editor of the Emancipa- 
tor. ' This we pronounce utterly and unequivocally false. We 
were with Mr. Thompson, while he was in this country, as much 
probably as any other one individual. We were with him in 
private and in public, in the house and by the way, in the pub- 
lic convention and the public lecture, and we most solemnly 
declare, that we never heard George Thompson, on any occa- 
sion, take up or discuss the question of American Slavery, ' as 
one of civil organization.' He always discussed it primarily 
and essentially as a moral and religious question, and never went 
into its political relations and bearings, except to answer the ob- 
jections of cavillers and opponents. And we are astonished 
that R. J. Breckinridge should dare to make such an assertion, 
when, we venture to say, he never heard George Thompson in 
America.' 

The same editor has furnished a better solution than Mr. B's, 
of the — not very difficult — problem of Mr. Thompson's different 
reception in Boston and Glasgow. ' For the same reason that 
Knibb, and Taylor, and Burchell did not meet with the same 
reception in Glasgow and Jamaica — because, and simply be- 
cause the slave spirit was diffused through the land, infecting 
and corrupting alike the leading influences of Church and State, 
so that Mr. T. could not condemn slavery and prejudice ' in 
Boston as in Glasgow,' without constraining the conviction and 
the outcry from the implicated and the prejudiced, "so saying 
thou condemnest us also." ' 

' There is not a sane man in the free states, who does not 
wish the world rid of slavery.' This Mr. B. states as his con- 
viction, page 15. Perhaps it is correct, but if so, there are a 
great many insane men in the free states, or a great many who 
have a very strange way of manifesting their wishes. The fact 
is notorious, that Northern men who remove to the South, almost 
uniformly become slaveholders the moment their convenience 
or pecuniary interest can thereby be promoted. 



167 

On page 20, Mr. B. accuses Garrison of having written placards to 
stir up a mob against him, when he lectured in Boston, in be- 
half of colonization. A charge more utterly false was never 
made, and it requires a great exercise of charity to believe that 
Mr. B. did not know its falsehood. It will have been seen that 
Mr. Thompson challenged proof of the accusation, but none was 
produced except the word of the accuser — evidence on which, 
any reader who compares his assertions in several other instan- 
ces, with facts, will place very little reliance. 

Another of Mr. B's accusations against ' some of the friends 
of the Anti-Slavery Society,' is, that they procured a writ to 
take the two ' African princes,' who had been sent to the Mary- 
land Colonization Society to be educated, and that Elizwar 
Wright was the instigator of the measure, on pretence that the- 
boys had been kidnapped. See page 20. The truth of this 
matter as given in the Emancipator, on Mr. Wright's author- 
ity, is that, on learning that two native African boys, supposed 
to be slaves, were on board a schooner in New York harbor, 
bound for Baltimore,. Mr. Wright made inquiries on board, and 
could only leam that they were brought from Africa by a pas- 
senger, and consigned to some one in Baltimore. To make sure 
of the means of prosecuting a legal inquiry, a writ was obtain- 
ed, but as soon as Mr. W. discovered that the lads were sent to* 
this country to be educated, he ordered the officer 7iot to serve it. 

The next slanderous charge uttered by the reverend delegate 
is, that Elizur Wright tried to stir up a mob to liberate a fugi- 
tive slave confined in New York prison. The story of course 
is wholly false. 

In the second evening's discussion, Mr. B. says, page 34, the 
admission of a clause into the Constitution prohibiting the abo- 
lition of the slave trade for twenty years, ' was one of the 
brightest virtues in the escutcheon of America.'^ A dark es- 
cutcheon, then, must be hers, if the protection of the slave 
trade for twenty years is the ' brightest ' spot on it. The ' impor- 
tation of such persons,' k,c. (meaning slaves;) ' shall not be pro- 
hibited prior to 1808,' says the Constitution. ' The brighteett 
virtue in her escutcheon ! ' exclaims Mr. Breckinridge. 

' It was well known that the slavery existing in the United 
States was the mildest to be seen in any country under heav- 
en.' Page 34. Of this assertion of Mr. B., we have only to 



168 

say in the words of the Emancipator, ' It is " well known that 
the slavery existing in the United States," is not " the mildest to 
be seen in any country under heaven," and to say so is demon- 
stration absolute of the most " unpardonable ignorance, or a pur- 
pose to mislead." Witness the fact, that the man who teaches the 
slave to read, or gives him the religious tract, or the Bible even, 
does it at his peril. Witness the fact, on the testimony of the 
Snyod of South Carolina and Georgia, that the large majority of 
the slave population are '' heathen, and will bear comparison 
with the heathen in any country in the world." Witness the 
slave-code every where — particularly the following, which is the 
law of North Carolina, and in Georgia nearly the same, " that 
if any person hereafter shall be guilty of killing a slave, he 
shall, upon the first conviction, suffer the same punishment as if 
he had killed a free man " — (i. e. if any white man is witness, 
and will come forward to testify in the case, for the testimony 
of a million of colored men would go for nothing,) and " Provided 
always, that this act shall not extend to the person killing a 
slave outlawed, (and running away, concealment, and the steal- 
ing of a hog, or some animal o( the cattle kind, to sustain life, 
outlaws him,) or to any slave inthe act of resistance to his law- 
ful oivner or master or to any slave DYING UNDER 
MODERATE CORRECTION "—thus by the very law 
which prohibits, giving the master express license to kill as many, 
and as often as he pleases, provided he will only take care to do 
it, first, when no white men are present who will inform or testi- 
fy against him, or secondly, when the slave is an outlaw ; or, 
thirdly, when he lifts his hand in opposition to his master, no 
matter how cruel the punishment or how base the design- upon 
his or her person ; or, fourthly, by " moderate correction." Let 
him only see to it, that it is done in one or all of these ways, 
and under one or all these circumstances, and if reckless enough 
to do so, he may kill ad libitum, and nobody to say why do ye 
so. Witness the fact, trumpeted through all the papers within 
five years, that a Southern man seeing another passing across 
his grounds in the evening, and supposing that he was a runa- 
way slave, shot him dead, because, although he hailed him, he 
did not stop — when lo ! it appeared that he had shot a white 
neighbor, and that, the wind being high, he did not hear, and 
therefore did not stop at the summons ! — a striking illustration of 



169 

the carelessness and perfect impunity with which, as a matter of 
fact, black men are and may be shot when attempting an es- 
cape from their thraldom. And, once more, witness the fact, 
that the way to emancipation is hedged up in this country so as 
it is in no other " country under heaven," and then say what 
but " ignorance, or a purpose to mislead," could lead to such 
statements ? ' 

' Perhaps the great reason against the exercise of that power* 
[to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,] was, that it 
would inevitably produce a dissolution of the Union.' Put 
' this and that together.' ' There is not a sane man in the free 
states, but wishes the world rid of slavery ; ' the free states 
contain 'seven millions out of the eleven millions of the white 
population of the Union; ' (see page 7,) 'a large minority in the 
slaveholding states, in some nearly one half of the population,' 
(see page 13,) ' are zealously engaged in furthering the abolition of 
slavery,' and yet the exercise by Congress of its constitutional 
power to abolish slavery in the national district would ' inevita- 
bly dissolve the Union.' Verily, the old proverb hath well said 
that a certain class of persons should have a good memory. 

Mr. B. sneers at * Mr. Thompson's argument about the 
standing army employed in keeping down the slaves,' and de- 
clares that it was ' complete humbug, founded upon just nothing 
at all.' Will the citizens of Southampton county, Virginia, who 
called in the aid of the U. S. dragoons to quell an insurrection 
a few years ago, corroborate his testimony? ' An officer of the 
United States' army, who was in the expedition from fortress 
Monroe, against the Southampton slaves in 1831, speaks with 
constant horror of the scenes which he was compelled to wit- 
ness. Those troops, agreeably to their orders, which were to 
exterminate the negroes, killed all that they met with, although 
they encountered neither resistance, nor show of resistance : 
and the first check given to this wide, barbarous slaughter grew 
out of the fact, that the law of Virginia, which provides for the 
payment to the master of the full value of an executed slave, 
was considered as not applying to the cases of slaves put to 
death without trial. In consequence of numerous representa- 
tions to this effect, sent to the officer of the United States' army, 
commanding the expedition, the massacre was suspended.' — 
Child's Oration. 

22 



no 

And what says Mr. B. to this assertion of John Q. Adams, 
that were it not for the protection of the western frontier against 
the Indians, and of the Southern slaveholder against his human 
' machinery,' this country would scarcely have any need of a 
standing army. Is that ' comiileie humbug ' too? 

Mr. B. ventures to say that ' there are not ten persons in the 
whole stale of Kentucky, h aiding anti-slavery pr nciples, in the 
Garrison sense of t!;e word.' Page 40. We know not how 
many there may be now, but in 1835, a constitution of a state 
society, framed on anti-slavery principles, ' in the Garrison sense 
of the word,' was signi d by more than forty persons. 

Mr. B. tells about a minister who was driven, he says, from 

Groton, Mass., by the storm of abolitionism, and who seems to 

have fled to Baltimore, doubtless, seeking a congenial climate. 

See page 40. But Mr. B. forgot to mention the many cases in 

which the slave spirit, ' like a storm of fire and brimstone from 

hell,' has driven faithful pastors from their charges, just for the 

crime of praying and [-.reaching now and then for the enslaved. 

Mr. B. says of a document from which his opponent quoted 

certain Maryland laws that placed the ' benevolent colonization 

scheme ' in any thing but a favorable light, thai it was said in 

America, and he believed truly, to contain not the \aws, but only 

schemes of laws which never passed the Assembly. See 

page 47. On this the Emancipator remarks, ' This was never 

alleged against tiie pamphlet. The pamphlet contains the 

laws precisely as they stand in the statute book of Maryland, 

as Mr. B. would have seen had he ever taken the trouble to 

compare them. And for him to make such assertions, without 

having done so, is only another instance of " unpardonable 

ignorance, or a purpose to mislead."' ' 

In the third evening's discussion, Mr. B. asserted, page 50, 
that Mr. Garrison was among the first who opposed the Coloni- 
zation Society, 'on the ground that its operations were injurious 
to the colored race in America.' To this the Emancipator 
says, ' This is partly true and partly not. Tiie Society was de- 
cidedly opposed, at the outset, both by the colored people and 
by those who, up to that time, had been most active in promot- 
ing the cause of emancipation. As early as August, 1817, the 
subject came before the " American Convention for Promoting 
the Abolition of Slavery," Uc, at its session in Philadelphia. 



171 

This body, representing for the most part Friends, and made 
up of delegates from abolition and manumission societies in dif- 
ferent parts of the country, after a full discussion, appointed a 
committee on the subject. That conunittee reported, that 
" they must express their unqualified wish, that no plan of col- 
onization shall be permitted to go into effect without an immuta- 
b/e pledge from the slaveholding states of a just and wise sys- 
tem of gradual emancipation ; " and they conclude their report, 
which was approved and adopted by the Convention with the 
following resolution : — 

" Resolved, As a sens-^ of this Convention, that the gradual 
and total emancipation of all persons of color, and their literary 
and moral education, should precede their colonization." 

When the Convention met again in 1819; the Pennsylvania 
society, in sending up a statement of its views and proceedings, 
warned the "abolitionists of our country to retain in view the 
lessons of experience, and avoid substituting for them, schemes 
however splendid, yet of questionable result ; " and added, " for 
ourselves there is but one principle on which we can act. It is 
the principle of inmrntable justice ! We can make no compro- 
mise with the prejudices of slavery, or with the slavery of pre- 
judice. The same arguments that I're now urged against eman- 
cipation, unless the subjects of it be removed from our ter- 
ritory, were used with more ])lausibility when abolition was an 
ex|)eriment, yet they were combatted with success." 

Mr. B. says, page 52, it ' would be difficult, if not utterly 
impossible, for eviden^'es of friendship to the Colonization So- 
ciety from an avowed friend of slavery to be culled out, as 
occuring within the last three or four years.' Says the Emanci- 
pator, " So far is this from being true, that the most decisive 
evidences of this sort are found, within the last three or four 
years. Scarce a pro-slavery mob, or speech, or meeting, dur- 
ing this whole time, but has contained, in one and the same 
breath, a condemmnation of abolition and a comendation of col- 
onization." 

After quoting the resolution against the Colonization Society, 
in Boston last year, Mr. B. remarks, 'that the verbiage of this 
resolution, showed its parentage. No one who had ever heard 
one of Mr. Thompson's speeches could, for a moment, doubt the 
authorship of the resolution ! ' This is a small mistake indeed, 



172 

and among so many great ones, scarce merits a notice, but to show 
that Mr. B's sagacity in conjecture, exceeds not much his ve- 
racity in assertion, we just mention in passing, that the ' author- 
ship of the resolution ' belongs not to Mr. Thompson. 

'The abolitionists,' says Mr. B. page 54, have been going 
about, from Dan to Beersheba, not only attacking and vilifying 
the whites, for proposing to colonize the blacks, with their own 
free consent ; but equally attacking the blacks for availing them- 
selves of the offer.' An assertion utterly false, and wickedly 
slanderous. 

On page 55, Mr. B. introduces an extract from an address of 
some of the Cape Palmas Colonists to their friends in America, 
for the purpose of showing the prosperity of the Colony. In 
connection with this, let the following letter from a colonist be 
read : — 

'Cape Palmas, May 5th, 1834. 

Dear Mother, — I write you with rej^ret. It is true, I wrote 
to you of my passage, how I enjoyed it. I spent a very agree- 
able time, and also on my first arrival ; but now I am distressed, 
and all Mr. C's family also. * * * O ! I am sorry ! yes, sorry 
that I ever came to this country. It is true, mother, had I 
taken your advice, I would not have been here. 1 have suffered 
and all my family, and Mr. C's family too, and we still continue 
to suffer. Not a cent of money have any of us got. Now, 
mother, if you can get any gentleman to advance the amount of 
three hundred dollars, or two hundred and fifty dollars 1 will 
work for them for it four years. I will serve as a waiter in 
a house, or any thing at all, to pay for it. My wife says she 
would maintain herself r,nd sister, if that could get her home 
once more, for here tliey can do nothing, for we are not able, 
the country is so sickly — we have been sick ever since we have 
been here — * * * I vvill serve any way or at any thing. I will 
sell myself as a slave, for the sake of getting HOME once more. 
Try for me, if you please, for my family's sake. If I was by 
myself, I might scuffle for myself 

In a subsequent letter, dated August 3, 1834, this same writ- 
er communicates the additional intelligence, that Mrs. C ' died 
of grief.' 

' Every benevolent and right thinking person must see, that the 
scheme of colonizing Africa by black men, is necessary to en- 
lighten Africa, and prevent the extirpation of the black man 
there.' So says Mr. Breckinridge. Doubtless it was to en- 
lighten the poor natives, and prevent their extirpation, that a 



173 

brisk traffic in rum, Tobacco, gunpowder, and spear-pointed 
knives, has been carried on with them by black men colonized 
in Africa — that nine pound balls from ' a gun of great power ' 
were discharged into a body of eight hundred men, standing 
within sixty yards, pressed shoulder to shoulder, in so compact 
a form that a child might easily walk upon their heads from one 
end of the mass to the other ' and ' every shot literally spent 
its force in a solid mass of living human flesh * — that by fraud 
and injustice the colonists excited the hostility of the Africans, 
and stirred up a war with King Joe Harris, which resulted in the 
slaughter of numbers of the ignorant barbarians, who were un- 
able to cope with the superior arms, and discipline, and mili- 
tary prowess of the American blacks — the ' missionaries in the 
holy cause of civilization, religion, and free institutions.'! 

' America,' says Mr. B., ' was christianized by colonization.' 
Yea, verily ! and in this case we have another precious exam- 
ple of the enlightening, civilizing, and christianizing influence 
of colonies. The poor Indian has felt, and faded away before 
it, along the Atlantic-shores, and still the ' missionary ' work is 
going on at the far southwest. Ask the Seminoles and the 
Creeks if colonization has not Christianized America. Ask 
the shades of Metacom, and Canonicus, and Sarsacus ; ask the 
feeble remnants of the mighty tribes which once dwelt from the 
lakes to the Gulf, and from the ocean to the Alleghany, and 
learn of them the process of christianization which colonies 
have introduced into America. Is it by a similar process that 
* colonizing Africa by black men,' is to ' prevent the extirpation ' 
of the natives of that continent ? 

' The climate ' of Africa Mr. B. says, page 58 ' suits the 
black man, while hundreds of white men have fallen victims to 
it.' And how many ' hundreds of black men ' have fallen vic- 
tims to it ? Those especially who have gone from the North- 
ern states, have found it as fatal as have the whites themselves, 
nor has it been very remarkably healthy to any portion of the 
colonists. 

Mr. B. is very certain that colonizing Africa will destroy the 
slave trade. He says the colonists ' would put an end to the 

* See Gurley's Life of Aslimiin, page 139. 

t Speech of Henry Clay. Tenth Annual Report of the American Colonization 
Society. 



174 

trade the moment tliey were able to chastise the pirates, or make 
reprisals on the nations to wliich they belonged. Nothing is 
plainer, tlian that any nation that will make reprisals, will have 
none of the inhabitants stolen. If reprisals were made effective, 
the slave trade would be immediately stopped.' A Christian 
mode of reforming vices and remciving evils, truly ! ' Avy nation 
that will make reprisals!' So, if Peter steals John's child, 
John must steal Peter's by way of reprisal, and that will put a 
stop to the mischief at once ! And why not reprisals prevent 
all other kinds of violence, as well as man-stealing? If an Eng- 
lislnnan shoots a Frenchman, let a Frenchman shoot an Eng- 
1 shman in return, and the quarie) is settled, and peace restored ! 
For ' nothing is plainer, than that any nation that will make re- 
prisals, will have none of the inhabitants ' shot. Does past his- 
tory sustain this doctrine? Do present facts sustain it? No 
longer let our clergy preach, that 'all they who lake the sword, 
shall perish by the sword.' * Nothing is plainer,' thnn that 
those nations ' which take the sword' to ' make reprisals,' ' will 
have none of the inhabitants ' injured by the sword. But 
where is the need of colonies ? If the ' Foulahs ' will only- 
steal as many men, women, and children, from the ' laloffs,' as 
the latter fiom the former, ' nothing is plainer than that these 
two tribes will have none of the inhabitants stolen.' Do the 
various African tribes never make reprisals ? How happens it 
then, that the slave trade, and the whole business of man-steal- 
ing has not been long since suppressed ? 

' On one hundred leagues of the African coast,' says Mr. B., 
'it is already to a great degree suppressed' by the operation of 
the colonization societies and their colonies. To this the 
Emancipator says, ' These statements are far, very far from true, 
and we can account for them only on the ground of" un[)ardon- 
able ignorance, or a purpose to mislead." Again and aiiain 
have we been assured, and on colonial colonization authority too, 
that the trade still goes on in the vicinity of the colony as brisk- 
ly as ever, nay, that it is even prosecuted within the limits of 
the colony, and in sight of Monrovia itself. Indeed, at this 
very moment the colony, instead of being able to suppress or 
destroy the trade, is in danger of being itself destroyed by it, 
and is sending out its appeal to this country for help, praying 
that some " American vessels " may be sent upon the coast to 



aeize the traders, and to protect the colony. Let our friends in 
this country and in England peruse tlic following extracts from 
the Liberia Herald just received in this country, and then say 
what shall be thought of the man or the men who, in the face of 
suc!i and similar testimony repeatedly received, can unblushingly 
preiend " that on one hundred leagues of the African coast, the 
trade is already to a great degree suppressed ? " 

Extracts from late Liberia papers, received at the office of the 
N. Y". Coimnercial Advertiscir: — 

" Slave Trade. — This nefarious traffic is again lifting its hor- 
rid head in our vicinity, and increasing in a fearful ratio. With- 
in one hundred miles of the settlement, there are at this very 
time, at least ybur facloriu'S for the purchase of slaves, and one 
of them not more than eighteen miles off! The consequences 
are most severely felt by the colony. It is now impossib.e to 
purchase rice, at any rate that would not starve the most fortu- 
nate man. In our immediate vicinity, it is reported, slavers 
have lately given the natives a musket for four cross ! the retail 
price of which, in the colony, is six dollars ! To the Spaniards,, 
in view of a succesful voyage, the profits of which are so enor- 
mous; goods are of no value ; but it is far otherwise with us. 
Tlie nalives, like other men, disposed to get the most for their 
articles, will of course sell to thuse who will give the highest. 
This being the case, we ask, how are the people of this colony 
to live 1 We have sometimes thought if the people of the 
United Slates once knew the inconvenience to which the slave 
trade subjects us, and what an effectual check it is upon the 
advancement and prosperity of the colony, and how little of 
those surplus and useless millions, whose proper place of depos- 
ite has created so much contention, that without an exception, 
saints and sinners, politicians, philosophers, colonizationists, and 
abolitionists, anti-colonizatiomsts, anti-abolitionists, and anti-all, 
would rise up, and with one general voice decree, that a small 
armed vessel shall ply between Sherbro islands and Kroo coun- 
try, and thus effectually protect a few poor OUTCASTS, while 
millions of their brethren are faithfully slaving to enrich us at 
home." 

And so, notwithstanding the Paradise to which they have 
gone, and their " free consent " to go, they are " poor outcasts " 
when they get there after all ; and the very trade which they 
were sent to abolish, is in a fair way of abolishing them, unless 
government vessels go out to their aid ! ' 

Of the remark said to have been made by him at the coloni- 
zation meeting, in 1834, that certain emigrants to Liberia * were 



176 

coerced away, as truly as if it had been done with a carl-whip,' 
Mr. B. says ' it was an unfair report, got up by Mr. Leavitt, the 
editor of the N. Y. EvangeHst, to serve a special purpose.' 
The Emancipator answers the assertion tiius, ' This passage has 
been quoted and requoted in this country, in times and ways well 
nigh innumerable, but, to the best of our knowledge, it was 
never before pronoiniced an unfair report, either by Mr. B. or 
any other individual. And now, while we leave Mr. Leavitt to 
answer for himself on the question of its fairness, we take the 
liberty to say, that if unfair, it will not relieve Mr. B. of difficul- 
ty. For if the report be fair, and Mr. B. did say the things 
attributed to him, why then, as every body knows, he said what 
was true. If, however, it be unfair, and he did not say those 
things, then as every body knows, he did not say what was true, 
and what, if he had spoken the truth, he would have said. For 
that they were " coerced away as truly as if it had been done 
with a cart-whip," every body knows to be fact.' 

Mr. Leavitt's Note to the Editor of the Emancijiator. 

' In reply to Mr. Breckinridge's allegation, that I " got up" a 
report of his speech, " to serve a special purpose," 1 will only 
say, that Mr. Breckinridge did prudently to go across the Atlan- 
tic before he made that charge. My character as a fair re- 
porter, will not be affected here by such insinuations. 1 have 
no doubt that the report in question gives the ideas Mr. B. 
uttered, mostly in the very language he used. My recollection, 
in this case, is very distinct, and the words taken down at the 
time. 

JOSHUA LEAVITT. 

Mr. B. says, that ' in many instances the bad laws had be- 
come worse, and good laws had become bad, solely through the 
imprudent conduct of Mr. Thompson's associates.' Some of 
the most urighteous, barbarous, and abominable laws ever enact- 
ed in this land, whose rulers have so long occupied the ' throne of 
iniquity,' and been so often and so deeply guilty of ' framing 
mischief by a law,' are cited in Stroud's Sketch, a work publish- 
ed several years before ' Mr. Thompson and his associates ' had 
commenced their ' imprudent ' measures. Those laws certainly 
were not occasioned by their imprudence. It is nearly a hun- 
dred years at least, since these statutes of pandemonium began to 
disgrace American legi^lation. 



177 

In the fourth evening's discussion, Mr. B. asserts, page 88, 
that theN Y. Observer and Boston Recorder, ' print more mat- 
ter weekly than all the abolition newspapers in America, put 
together, do in half a year.' It is really matter of astonishment, 
that he should venture the utterance of such a glaring falsehood. 
He ought to have learned to keep at least within the bounds of 
probability in his fictions. There were at the time when his 
assertion was made — to say nothing of the monthlies — not 
less than eight or nine weekly anti-slavery papers, some of 
which circulated more widely than the Recorder, and not 
much less widely than the Observer. If we do not mistake, 
Mr. B. told a story at least forty or fifty times as large as the 
truth, and we are by no means sure that the proportion is not 
much larger. 

Mr. Thompson, for the purpose of showing what the aboli- 
tionists are doing in one department of their work, produced 
copies of the Slaves Friend, Anti-Slavery Record, Anti-Slave- 
ry Anecdotes, Human Rights, Emancipator, Liberator, New 
York Evangelist, Zion's Herald, Zion's Watchman, Philadel- 
phia Independent Weekly Press, Herald of Freedom, Lynn 
Record, New England Spectator, Sic, and an Anti-Slavery 
Quarterly. Of these, Mr. B. said •' some of them were, he be- 
lieved, long ago dead ; some could hardly be said ever to have 
lived ; some were purely occasional ; the greater part as 
limited in circulation, as they were contemptible in point of 
merit. Not above two or three of the dozen or fifteen that had 
been produced before them were, in fact, worthy to be called 
respectable and avowed abolition newspapers.' Now for the 
truth. Not one of them was ' long ago,' or is now ' dead.' Only 
one of them is ' purely occasional ' — the Anti-Slavery Anec- 
dotes — but, with that exception, all are now alive, and nearly 
every one has a circulation as extensive as that of the Record-. 
er — some, as already stated, still more extensive. And beside 
these which Mr. Thompson exhibited, there are several other 
weekly and monthly anti-slavery publications, which are neither 
dead, nor likely soon to be. The Philanthropist, (its publica- 
tion suspended indeed, for a short time by the destruction of its 
press, but soon to be resumed,) the Friend of Man, the Ameri- 
can Citizen, the Vermont Telegraph, the Middlebury Free 
Press, the Vermont State Journal, and a number more, weekly, 
23 



178 

and some monthly periodicals are ' avowed abolition newspa- 
pers,' some of them devoted almost exclusively to this cause, and 
all ' respectable ' both in character and extent of circulation. 
Some of them are of the very highest order in point of ability 
and merit, of the weekly periodicals of the country. Mr. T., 
therefore, instead of exaggerating in regard to the number of 
the abolition papers, fell considerably short of the truth. 

'Was he [the inhabitant of liOuisiana] to be told then, that 
he should turn off his slaves ?' &.c., asks Mr. B., page 90, Cer- 
tainly not — at least, not by abolitionists. They propose that the 
slaves should be permitted to remain on the plantations and 
work as free laborers, where their services will be needed, and 
will be mutually advantageous to themselves and their employers. 

Mr. B. denies, page 90, that any person legally free, ' was- 
ever sold into everlasting slavery,' but his denial is only another 
evidence of the facility with which he can utter, not only gross 
falsehoods, but falsehoods which contradict notorious facts, and' 
which of course cannot escape detection. Mr. T. has fully ex- 
posed this falsehood, by presenting documentary evidence of the 
fact denied. 

Of Mr. B's declarations, on page 91, to whrnh we refer the 
reader, the Emancipator says, ' All this, if not " gratuitous 
folly," is at least, unfounded and reckless assertion, wdiich we 
have scarcely ever seen equalled.' 

We ask our readers to turn back, and read again the para- 
graph on page 97, ending ' to COERCE such emigration, might 
he a MOST SACRED DUTY.' This has frankness at least, 
if it has no other good quality to recommend it. But it is the 
frankness of the tyrant, who, confident of his power to effect 
his purposes, fears not to avow them, however iniquitous or 
abominable. And if there be frankness in letting out the de- 
sign, there is most unblushing impudence in calling its execution 
' a sacred dutij.' What utter heartlessness too, and what obli- 
quity of moral vision does it exhibit. And this man dares ta 
rank himself with the friends of the colored people ! Such a 
friend as the Holy Inquisitors of Spain, to the heretical Protes- 
tants, whom they deem it their ' sacred duty to coerce ' with 
rack and fire, to a renunciation of their heresies. Such a friend 
as Louis XIV., to the Huguenots, — James I., to the Puritans, 
and Charles H., to the Scottish Covenanters. 



179 

Or page 98, Mr. B. introduces what he calls a speech of Mr. 
T, at Andover, as reported by a student in the Theological 
Seminary. Mr. T. has met this anonymous report with counter 
testimony, not anonymous, but we will add that of the editor of 
the Emancipator, who says, '■ JMr, B. although so often pretend- 
ing that he had no documents, &ic., here read the false and dis- 
torted account of Mr. Thompson's speech on this occasion, 
published at the time in the Boston Courier, and signed C. 
Having been there at the time, we here record our testimony to 
the fact of its being false and distorted in its representations.' 

Mr. B. on page 109, alludes to what Mr. Thompson has said 
'about Dr. Sprague having part of his church curtained round 
for persons of color,' and says he notices it ' only because it was 
told as a specimen story.' In the same connection he evidently 
endeavors to create the impression that the religious privileges 
of the free colored people are equal to those of the whites. On 
this, the Emancipator remarks, ' We can testify to the truth of 
the story in regard to Dr. Sprague's church ; and although every 
church does not separate the blacks from the whites with so 
much care, or in precisely the same way, yet it is strictly true, 
that almost, without exception, the separation is made and care- 
folly kept up, and this not only in the ordinary worship of the 
Sabbath, but even when the church gather about the table of 
their crucified and common Lord, to partake of the emblems of 
his dying love.' And after admitting that colored men have, in 
a few instances, been admitted to theological seminaries, and to 
a seat in ecclesiastical bodies, the editor adds, and truly, as all 
familiar with the facts can testify, ' Such instances, however, 
are few and far between, and whenever they do occur, the in- 
dividuals concerned are, in many ways, made to feel their infe- 
riority and to knoio their place. The impression made by Mr. 
B's representation would be, as a whole, incorrect.' 

Mr. B. asserts, page 1 10, that the free blacks ' in nearly every 
part of America,' enjoy all civil rights ' to a degree utterly un- 
known to millions of British subjects,' in various parts of the 
empire, and 'even in England itself 'It would be easy,' says 
the Emancipator, ' to show that he is wrong in several particu- 
lars.' And then, as one, refers to the fact, that the colored man 
is not secure in his rights or person, but may be dragged into 
slavery, even from free states^, without a jury trial. This one 
fact is certainly sufficient to disprove Mr. B's assertion. 



180 

'But,' says Mr. B. ' If any rights have been denied them,' 
as for instance, that of preaching the gospel, ' which Virginia 
had lately done,' it was all owing to the fury of abolition. See 
page 110. Yet Stroud cites a law of Virginia, dating back as far 
as 1819, and being then but the re-enactment of a law before 
in force, which rendered all assemblies of slaves and free ne- 
groes in a meeting house or other place by night, or at any 
school for teaching reading and writing, by day or night, unlaw- 
ful assemblies, and subjects any person, slave or free black, 
found in them, to the punishment of twenty lashes, by order 
of a justice of the peace. Stroud, page 89. 

Mr. B. in the true colonization spirit, takes occasion to slan- 
der the colored people, accusing them of 'insolence and im- 
prudence,' and of ' insulting females in the streets of our cities,' 
and ' setting up claim of perfect domestic equality with their 
masters,' &c. See page 114. We give the Emancipator's note 
on this wicked accusation, which is as cruel as it is false. 'This 
whole representation is false. Nothing can be more so. The 
modest deportment and the spirit of forbearance manifested by 
the colored people, from the outset, has been of the most marked 
as well as praiseworthy character, and in instances not a few, 
has secured to them the approbation of avowed enemies of the 
anti-slavery cause.' We add our own testimony, so far as our 
observation has extended, to the truth of this statement. 

In the fifth evening's debate, Mr. B. complains, page 120, that 
Mr. Thompson ' did not tell them that none of the ministers in 
twelve whole states were or could easily be slaveholders, see- 
ing they were not inhabitants of a slave state.' And why should 
hu. Would not the mere knowledge of the fact, that ' they 
were not inhabitants of slave states' render it unnecessary that 
his hearers should be particulary informed that they were not 
slaveholders ? Does Mr. B. believe that the people of Glas- 
gow supposed Northern ministers to be generally slaveholders ? 
We say generally, for we should not dare to assert that ' none ' 
of them ' were,' whether they ' easily could be ' or not. If we 
have not been misinformed, and we believe we have not, it has 
been our fortune, good or ill, to hear a northern slaveholding 
minister preach, a minister too, whose pastoral charge was in 
the very cradle of this /rcc nation. 



181 

* The overwhelming mass of American ministers,' says Mr, 
B ., * never owned a slave, and those who had, were exceptions 
from the general rule.' Mr. T. has demolished this position 
with a most tremendous broadside of eviilence. We add the 
following quotation, which we find in the Emancipa'or, from a 
document published a few months ago, by the Synod of South 
Carolina and Georgia. ' The number of our ministers is but little 
more than half the number of our churches, and of those min- 
isters not one fifth sustain any pastoral relation.' The num- 
ber of ministers is about 100, ' and many of them are obliged 
to devote a part or the whole of their time to teaching, yar?n- 
ing, or some other secular employment, to procure a support for 
their families.' Farming we all know, means in the slave slates, 
' slaveholding and slave-driving.' 

Mr. B. seems very indignant at the declarations of his oppo- 
nent, and Moses Roper, (a colored man who had been present 
at some of the meetings which Mr. T. addressed,) that slaves 
in America were owned, not only by ministers and church 
members, but even by churches themselves. He calls Roper's 
statement, ' the poor negro's silly falsehood,' and says, page 123, 
' If there be above five congregations in all America, that own 
slaves, I never heard of them.' He then mentions three of which 
he has heard, all in the Southern part of Virginia. The Eman- 
cipator, in a note on this part of Mr. B's speech, remarks, ' True, 
it is not the general practice for churches or ecclesiastical socie- 
ties at the South, to own slaves as church property, yet we sup- 
pose that the practice is by no means uncommon ; and the proof 
is threefold : first, that a number of instances of the kind are 
actually known ; second, that when such instances do occur,, 
they never produce any special sensation in the public mind — 
are never spoken of as special and extraordinary cases, and 
never subjects such church to reproof or the loss of ecclesiasti- 
cal fellowship with other churches ; and third, that ministers 
very generally at the South hold slaves, and that oftentimes 
when they are unable to buy for themselves, some kind friend 
makes them a present of one or two for house servants ; and if 
to the ministry, why not the church ? ' It then goes on to en- 
umerate two instances, beside those admitted by Mr. B., of 
churches holding slaves, and one of a bequest of slaves to the 
Missionary Society, [A. B. C. F. M.] and gives also an adver- 



182 

tisement of the sale of certain property ' belonging to the estate 
of the late Rev. Dr. Truman,' including land, ' a library chiefly 
theological,^ and ' twejity-seven negroes, two mules, one horse, 
and an old wagon.' The note thus continues, ' And when these 
notices appeared in the Southern prints, no body was struck with 
amazement ; no protestation was given to the public that they 
were extraordinary cases ; no christian minister or christian 
newspaper, as we are aware, ever lifted their voice against them 
as rare cases, or bore their testimony against them as being as 
monstrous as they were rare. What then is the inference? 
Why, that sucIj things, if not general, are yet never regarded 
as singular or uncommon. Now add to thesC; and others that 
might be named, the cases admitted by Mr. B., and to this, add 
the fact that Mr. Paxton at least felt that his church in Virginia 
could emancipate the fifty slaves they owned, but would not, 
anjd then say whose statements have most of the " silly false- 
hoods " about them, those of Mr. B., or the despised but honest- 
hearted negro ? ' 

Mr. B. seems to regard it as a mighty grievance, that when 
there are so few slaveliolding ministers, church members, and 
churches in America, his opponent should charge the guilt of 
slavery upon the whole American church. But why is not the 
whole church guilty, if any of its members persist in committing 
the sin, and yet are regarded as worthy members, in regular 
standing.^ — if any of its ministers with hands polluted by the 
abominable thing, are still allowed, without any ecclesiastical 
censure, not only to dispense the bread of life from the store- 
house of God's word, but to distribute the emblems of Christ's 
body and blood, to those who come around the table to com- 
memorate a Saviour's dying love ? — if any of its branches, 
claiming to hold God's image as property, and treating as ' chat- 
tels personal,' their Saviour, in the person of ' one of the least 
of these ' his ' brethren,' are fellow-shipped as sister churches, 
and unreproved for their iniquity ? ' Who dare pretend,' asks 
the Emancipator, ' That the American church does not uphold 
and countenance christian slaveholders in their conduct ? True, 
there are individuals, and individual churches not a few, who 
do not, but who bear a faithful testimony against them. But 
how is it with the governing influences of the church ? Their 
character and their acts, and not those of a minority, however 



183 

large or respectable are the character and the acts of the 
church. What then is the position of the governing influences 
of the American church in regard to American slavery ? It is 
that of protection and countenance. The proceedings of the 
last General Convention of the Baptists, and the last General 
Conference of the Methodists, and the last General Assembly 
of the Presbyterians are our confirmation — and they are "confir- 
mation strong as holy writ." At this very moment, these three 
bodies stand before the world as the three great Patrons and 
Protectors of American slavery. Deny it as they will, the gains 
of the oppressor, the hire kept back by fraud is in their coffers, 
the blood of the oppressed stains their garments, and they refuse 
to confess or forsake their sin.' 

Mr. B. would doubtless have thought it very uncharitable to 
cause a large army of Israelites to turn their backs before their 
enemies, and suffer a shameful and disastrous defeat, just be- 
cause there was one Achan in the camp. 

We cannot but think that the reverend disputant rather unfor- 
tunate in his reference to the book of Drs. Cox and Hoby, (see 
page 128,) for information about the connection of the Baptists 
with slavery. In looking there for light on that particular point, 
the reader might chance to stumble on some things about the 
wicked prejudice against the black man, as well as some senti- 
ments in regard to the treatment of slaves and free blacks gen- 
erally, that would ill accord with the expressed notions of the 
Presbyterian delegate. 

On page 133, Mr. B. introduces a letter, published in the N. 
Y. Observer, and signed Truth, which represents the negroes of 
South Carolina as 'generally well fed, well clothed,' and enjoy- 
ing ' the means of religious instruction,'' and declares that 'great 
and increasing efforts are made to instruct them in religion, and 
elevate their characters.' We request our readers to turn back 
and read the whole letter, and then to compare it with the fol- 
lowing extracts from a report on the subject of the religious in- 
struction of the colored people, published in 1834, by the Synod 
of South Carolina and Georgia. ' We believe that their (the 
colored population's) moral and religious condition is such, as 
that they may justly be considered the heathen of this christian 
country, and will bear comparison with heathen in any country 
in the world.' 



184 

'The negroes are destitute of the privileges of the gospel, and 
ever will be, under the present state of things. There were 
■some exceptions to this, the Synod say, and they " rejoice " in 
it ; but ahhough our assertion is broad, we believe that, in gen- 
eral, it w^ill be found to be correct.' 

' They can have no access to the tlie scriptures. They are de- 
pendent for their knowledo;e of Christianity, upon oral instruc- 
tion. Have they then that amount of oral instruction, which, 
in their circumstances, is necessary to their enjoyment of the 
gospel ? They have not. From an entire state beyond the 
Potomac to the Sabine, and from the Atlantic to the Ohio, there 
are, to the best of our knowledge, not twelve men exclusively 
devoted to the religious instruction of the negroes.' 

The report then goes on to say that ' the negroes do not have 
access to the gospel through the stated ministry of the whites,' 
that ' a very small proportion of the ministers in the slave- 
boldlng states, pay any attention to them,'' that ' they have no 
churches, neither is there sufficient room for their accommoda- 
tion in white churches,' and that, in some cases, for want of a 
place within, ' the negroes who attend, must catch the gospel as 
it escapes by the doors and windows.' ' We venture to say,' 
the report continues, ' that not a twentieth part of the negroes 
attend divine worship on the Sabbath. Thousands and thou- 
sands hear not the sound of the gospel, or ever enter a church 
from one year to another.'' 

The report says too, that they ' do not enjoy the privileges 
of the gospel in private, at their houses, or on their planta- 
tions. If the master is pious, the house servants alone, and 
frequently few or none of these attend family worship. In 
general it does not enter into the arrangement of the planta- 
tions, to make provision for their religious instruction. We 
feel warranted, therefore, in the conclusion, that the negroes 
are dcstitule of the privileges of the gospel, and must continue 
to be so, if nothing more is done for them.' 

' We are astonished,' say the Synod, 'thus to find Chris- 
tianity in absolute conjunction with Heathenism, and yet con- 
ferring few or no benefits.' 

Our readers, after comparing the above with the letter read 
by Mr. B., can decide how much right the author of that let- 
ter had to sign it ' Truth.' 



1S5 

Mr. B., page 155, endeavors to escape tlie force of the im- 
mense weight of evidence with which his antagonist presses 
him to the earth, by sneering at the witnesses as 'obscure,' and 
for aught that could be known, 'fictitious persons,' ahhough 
the names are generally given, and yet he quotes evidence to 
sustain himself, which is absolutely anonymous. See page 132. 
The Emancipator pertinently asks, ' Can Mr. B. tell us who 
" Truth " and " A New England man " are ? Or are the per- 
sons as " fictitious " as their stories ? ' 

Upon Mr. B.'s assertion that Mr. Thompson's testimonies 
were of this worthless character, the Emancipator has the fol- 
lowing note. 'We beg our readers to stop here, and go back 
and count the documents, and they will find that the very re- 
verse of what Mr. B. has stated is the fact; and that while 
Mr. B.'s main proofs are, first, his own assertions, and, second, 
the assertion of individuals, or of anonymous writers in parti- 
san newspapers, Mr. Thompson's main proofs are the formal 
resolutions and declarations of ecclesiastical bodies, and of 
those who represent the governing influence in church and state, 
and that the testimony of individuals, so far as it is used, is 
brought in only as confirmatory of the other.' 

On page 158, Mr. B. attacks Mr. J. A. Thome of Kentucky, 
with characteristic virulence, because, in a speech at an Anli- 
Slavery meeting, that young man had boldly exposed the abom- 
inations of slavery in his native state. For this act his slan- 
derer calls him ' the ingrate who commenced his career of man- 
hood, by smhing his parent in the face.' But he cautiously 
avoids attempting — what he was doubtless sensible would be a 
somewhat difficuh task— to disprove the statements of Mr. 
Thome. It is a little remarkable that the facts stated by Thome, 
and denied by Mr. B. and his brother at the time, were con- 
firmed abundantly by an article published in the Western Lu- 
minary, a Kentucky paper, on the very day on which Mr. 
Thome made his statement in New York. Thus without any 
concert or arrangement, two witnesses at a long distance from 
each other, testified to the same facts, and unfortunately for the 
credibility of Mr. Breckinridge, those were the facts which he 
was almost at the same time stoutly denying. Other witnesses 
of unimpeachable veracity, have since attested the same facts, 
24 



18G 

and now Mr. B.'s impotent efforts to discredit Mr. Thome, 
only serve to show his own vexation, raahgnity and falsehood. 
We do not pretend to have noticed all the slips of Mr. B.'s 
' unruly member ' in this discussion, or to have pointed out 
every instance in which he has labored with all that ability and 
ingenuity which we readily admit he possesses, to create false 
impressions on the minds of his audience ; but enough have 
been pointed out to show in some measure, the degree of con- 
fidence which ought to be reposed in his veracity as a witness 
and his candor and fairness as a reasoner. 

A few trifling errors into which Mr. Thompson has fallen, 
we feel bound to correct ; in proceeding to which, however, 
■we cannot but remark that considering the shortness of the time 
which Mr. T. spent among us, the amount of labor which he 
performed in lecturing, addressing conventions, debating, &c. 
&c. and the large portion of his time necessarily consumed in 
social intercourse with his extensive circle of acquaintance — 
nay, the very considerable share of it which was required for 
the mere answering of applications to lecture, which came from 
every quarter ; we are actually astonished at the extent and 
minuteness of his information, the mass of facts and documents 
which he has contrived to collect, and what is more, at the 
general — the almost uniform accuracy of his knowledge of 
American aftairs. The reader has seen how completely fur- 
nished he was, how armed at all points, and ever ready to lay 
his hand on the very weapon which was needed at any stage of 
the conflict, whether to parry the blow aimed at himself, or to 
send home to his antagonist's bosom, a vigorous thrust which 
neither the dexterity of sophistry could elude, nor the buckler 
of brazen falsehood ward off. Indeed the mass of his docu- 
ments, and the readiness and aptness to the purpose with which 
he used them, seems to have been one of the chief causes of 
the bitter vexation which his opponent continually betrays. 
That ho should have fallen into a few mistakes is nothing sur- 
prising — that he should have fallen into so few, is indeed won- 
derful, and proves the industry and diligence with which he 
labored at times when from the fatiguing nature, and great 
amount of his public efforts, one would have supposed he must 
have been obliged to indulge in perfect repose. But to the 
errors. 



187 

He stated the first evening, page 12, that there were now, 
exclusive of the publications of the Anti-Slavery Society, one 
hundred newspapers boldly advocating the principles of aboli- 
tion. ' There are,' says the Emancipator, 'about that num- 
ber friendly to our cause, and that occasionally speak in our 
behalf, but not that boldly advocate our principles,' or, as per- 
haps would be the more accurate mode of expression, that do 
not boldly advocate our principles, in their application to the 
subject to which we apply them. 

On the second evening, Mr. Thompson in speaking of the 
New York State Anti-Slavery Convention, page 30, said there 
were 600 delegates at Utica the first day, and that when driven 
away by a mob, these went to Peterboro', and were there join- 
ed by 400 more, making 1000 in all. In reality, it was esti- 
mated that nearly or quite 1000 went to Utica, and of these 
only about 400 went to Peterboro'. The error is indeed im- 
material. 

In the fourth evening's debate, Mr. T. alluding to Kaufman's 
slanderous story about him, calls Kaufman ' the son of a slave- 
holder, and heir to slave property.' Such was supposed to be 
the case, and we were not aware that this supposition was er- 
roneous, till we met, in the Emancipator's note to this remark 
of Mr. T., an intimation that this report had been contradict- 
ed. ' Mr. K. is from Virginia,' says the note, ' but we believe 
not a slaveholder or heir to slave property.' 

These are all the errors we have observed in the statements 
of Mr. Thompson, and these are of so little moment that we 
should not have considered them worthy of notice in his oppo- 
nent. 

It is perhaps unnecessary in concluding, formally to acknowl- 
edge, what the reader cannot fail to have perceived, our large 
indebtedness to the editor of the Emancipator for aid in the 
preparation of .this appendix. The truth is, our hands are at 
this time so plentifully filled with business, that we have had 
but httle time, to spare for this work, and were glad to avail 
ourselves of the labors of one who had, to such good purpose, 
just gone over the ground before us. 

C. C. BURLEIGH. 

Boston, Sept. 22, 1836. 



